Sunday, June 22, 2014

Inspiring Wildcat Strikes from 1960s-1970s

For Inspiration, Look to the History Of 
Public Worker Strikes 

June 18, 2014 / by Joe Burns

An illegal national postal wildcat in 1970not approved by union leaders—set contract standards postal workers are still defending today. The government tried to use the military to deliver mail. Photo: San Francisco Bay View. Politicians want to turn the clock back 50 years by restricting the bargaining rights of millions of public workers.

Unions would do well to look back, too, to the great public employee strike upsurge of the 1960s. Today’s unions, in both the public and private sectors, have a lot to learn from this little-discussed period in labor history. Here are seven lessons: Strikes Worked.  Entering the 1960s, public employee unions were weak, engaging in “collective begging” rather than “collective bargaining.” But then public workers rose up in one of the great upsurges in U.S. labor history. Public workers marched on school board meetings. They conducted slowdowns. And they struck, by hundreds of thousands over the next two decades, to win union recognition.

The civil rights movement inspired sanitation workers’ strikes throughout the South. Teachers in Florida and Utah pulled off statewide walkouts. Postal workers struck nationwide, in a wildcat conducted against the wishes of union leaders. Police and firefighters contracted “blue flu” and “red rashes” to demand what private sector workers already had: the right to bargain. This wave of militancy won both contracts and changes in labor law. And in the process, public employee union membership surged from 400,000 in the late 1950s to 4 million by the mid-1970s. Strikes, it’s safe to say, created the public employee labor movement.

The Power of Example
Just as today’s activists look to the 2012 Chicago Teachers strike for inspiration, teachers back then looked to a one-day strike in New York City schools, in 1960. According to one scholar, that single, short strike not only spurred the organization of teachers in New York state but also became “the watershed for teachers’ strikes in the twentieth century.”  Teachers around the country followed the trail blazed by New Yorkers and struck for union recognition, too.   In 1968 teachers struck 112 times—up from zero a decade before. Of course, not every local struggle will start a prairie fire. The Republic Windows factory takeover in 2008 did not prompt an outpouring of plant occupations. But we never know where a particular struggle may lead and how it may give others the courage to act.

MADE TO BE BROKEN 
Don’t Let Repressive Laws Stop You. Today we face a web of legal restrictions specifically constructed to force unions to fight small, pointless battles. Public employee strikes are illegal in most states. Private sector strikers can be permanently replaced with scabs. Simply put, the rules are rigged. Figuring out how to break free of these rules is a practical necessity. Until the late 1960s, public employee strikes were illegal in every jurisdiction in the U.S. Yet when the idea took hold and the context was right, hundreds of thousands of public workers struck anyway, violating state laws and court injunctions. And they generally won—achieving recognition and good contracts, and forcing lawmakers to amend state laws to permit public employee bargaining. Even though strikes remained illegal in the Union strongholds of New York, Ohio, and Illinois, strike levels were high there throughout the ’70s. In fact, one study of 1970 to 1981 found that “70 percent of the most strike-prone states were those where strikes were not legal.” When their union president was jailed during a 1973 strike, striking teachers in Evergreen, Washington, lined up with toothbrushes in hand demanding to be jailed as well. The flustered judge backed down and when the district refused to negotiate, he threatened to jail the school board instead. The Union won a first contract. When lawmakers realized that their laws didn’t prevent strikes, in many states policymakers legalized them, hoping to better control the activity. Union Democracy Matters.

Some say labor can confront giant corporations only by building centralized, vertically structured mega-unions. Union democracy, they say, is a luxury we cannot afford. But labor history gives little support to that proposition. During the 1960s, public workers fought to transform conservative organizations into fighting machines. Members battled at their union conventions to take no-strike clauses out of their constitutions. Public workers flocked to more militant unions—forcing others, such as the National Education Association, to adopt the strike or lose members.

A HUMAN RIGHT
Treat Striking as a Human Right. When the strike-banning Taylor Law was under debate in 1967, three New York City unions held a packed rally in Madison Square Garden, and passed a resolution stating, “No one, no body of legislators or government officials, can take from us our rights as free men and women to leave our jobs when sufficiently aggrieved. “When a group of our members are so aggrieved, then indeed they will strike.” Public employee unionists rejected illogical arguments about why public workers should not be allowed to strike. Better yet, they did not accept that legislators or courts had the right to make that decision; striking was a human right which judges or politicians could not take away. But few in labor today discuss striking as a fundamental right. Instead we look only at the practicalities: whether a strike seems immediately feasible. When it doesn’t, we forget the principle, and accept restrictions on our right to strike and free speech that earlier generations refused to tolerate.

Build Community Alliances
In the late ’60s and early ’70s, striking public workers could draw on allies in the civil rights movement, as did the 1968 Memphis and 1969 Charleston sanitation strikes. Public unions allied with still-powerful private sector unions. They could demand equality with the wages and pensions bargained by their private sector counterparts. But with the waning of the ’60s movements and the organizing climate they helped foster, public employee strikes became harder to win.  Over time, as public employee unions became more successful and private sector unionism declined, politicians began painting public employee strikers as greedy and overpaid. Understanding the economics of public employee strikes became essential to winning them. While the private sector strike aims to put economic pressure on the employer by depriving him of revenue, the purpose of the public employee strike is to exert political pressure. Winning public employee strikes, then and now, depended on a union’s ability to frame the issues, garner community support, and thereby exert political pressure on policymakers to settle.

Don’t Give Up Hope
When we look at today’s restrictive labor laws, it can be hard to see how to break out of the box. But the greatest lesson of the 1960s is that public employees believed in themselves—and dared to win. Joe Burns is a union negotiator/attorney in the airline industry and author of Reviving the Strike. He’s a former public employee and Union president. His new book is Strike Back: Using the Militant Tactics of Labor’s Past to Reignite Public Sector Unionism Today (June 2014). New Yorkers can hear him talk about the book June 25 at 7 p.m. at Bluestockings Books.
 See more at: http://labornotes.org/2014/06/inspiration-look-history-public-worker-strikes

Thursday, June 5, 2014

Friendly Visitors at Billionaire Walton Elstate

Walmart Strikers Take Fight

to Walton’s Estate

Photos by Our Walmart

Walmart strikers took their message that Walmart must stop retaliation against and bullying of workers who speak out straight to Walmart Chairman Rob Walton's estate in Arizona, earlier this week. Check out these photos and click here for more.

This week of action includes strikes by Walmart workers in 20 cities. On Friday, they will be in Arkansas, for Walmart’s annual shareholders meeting. At that meeting, the workers will urge shareholders to vote against re-electing Rob Walton because of the company’s systemic violations of labor and environmental standards.

We’ll keep you posted, and you can follow on Facebook and Twitter by using hashtag #Walmartstrikers. Also visit Our Walmart for more information.
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our wlamart photo
Our Walmart photo
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Friday, May 16, 2014

Pope Calls for Redistibution of Wealth

Pope Francis calls for 'legitimate redistribution' of Wealth

The pope is known for promoting economic equality. He himself chooses to live simply in a modest apartment in the Vatican, without the adornments offered to popes.

VATICAN CITY, May 9 (UPI) --In a speech to the United Nations on Friday, Pope Francis called for countries to redistribute wealth to the poor and end the "economy of exclusion."

The Pope, who has frequently slammed capitalism as an unfair system, said governments can achieve more economic equality with "the legitimate redistribution of economic benefits by the state, as well as indispensable cooperation between the private sector and civil society."

The words were said to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and other top UN officials, who met in Rome this week.

Pope Francis encouraged the UN to challenge countries to attack the roots of poverty and guarantee dignified labor for all people.

"Specifically, this involves challenging all forms of injustices and resisting the economy of exclusion, the throwaway culture and the culture of death which nowadays sadly risk becoming passively accepted," he said.

Pope Francis been outspoken about the issues of inequality and poverty, and even chose the name "Francis" from Francis of Assisi, who dedicated his life to helping the poor.

The Pope spoke to U.S. President Barack Obama as well about these issues during the president's visit to the Vatican.  "Well we spent a bulk of our conversation around issues of poverty and inequality, themes that he has been talking about quite a bit," Obama told 60 Minutes' Scott Pelley. "And obviously issues that I care about deeply. The very poor finding fewer and fewer ladders to get into the middle class."  (thanks to you, President)

Ban invited the Pope to speak to the General Assembly in New York. The Church has not confirmed any trip, but it is widely expected that the pope will travel to the U.S. in September 2015 to participate in a church meeting on families in Philadelphia.

General Motors Pays Fine for Reckless Disregard for Safety

NTSB Fines GM Record $35M Over Faulty Ignitions

Image: NTSB Fines GM Record $35M Over Faulty Ignitions
General Motors Co. will pay a record $35 million fine as part of the U.S. government’s investigation into how it handled the recall of 2.59 million small cars over faulty ignition switches, the Transportation Department said.
GM’s agreement with regulators includes “significant and wide-ranging internal changes” to how it reviews safety issues and decides on recalls, the department said in a statement.

“Today’s announcement puts all manufacturers on notice that they will be held accountable if they fail to quickly report and address safety-related defects,” U.S. Transportation Secretary Anthony Foxx said in the statement.

Report: How to Safely Get Rich After 60

The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration has been investigating why it took the largest U.S. automaker years to address engineering concerns and consumer complaints about engine stalling dating from 2004. At least 13 fatalities have been linked to the defect, which can deactivate air bags.  
 
[When the ignition goes off, the Air bags turn off.  As the car enters an accident, the ignition switch flips to the OFF position, and there are no Air bags to protect you from impending death.
GM, Ford and Toyota Execs who hid these defects for 9 years should go to Jail. Ed]

Foxx and NHTSA Acting Administrator David Friedman will discuss the agreement with Detroit-based GM at a news conference in Washington today.

GM hasn’t fully complied with an extensive request for information by the regulator. Since April 3, the company has been accruing fines of $7,000 per day. GM said it was waiting for an internal investigation to be complete before answering some of NHTSA’s questions.

‘Stronger Company’


GM confirmed in an e-mailed statement that it had reached an agreement with NHTSA and said it has begun working with NHTSA to review processes and policies to avoid future recalls of this nature.

“We have learned a great deal from this recall,” Chief Executive Officer Mary Barra said today in a statement. “We will now focus on the goal of becoming an industry leader in safety. We will emerge from this situation a stronger company.”

GM has said heavy key rings or jarring can cause ignition switches on some cars to slip out of the “on” position, cutting off power and deactivating air bags.

The company’s shares rose 0.8 percent to $34.63 at 10:52 a.m. New York time. They dropped 16 percent this year through yesterday.

The $35 million fine is the largest ever paid by a U.S. automaker for delays in issuing a safety recall.    Ford Motor Co. and Toyota Motor Corp. previously paid $17.4 million, the maximum allowable at the time.

Congress has since changed the maximum NHTSA fine to $35 million. Regulators are pushing lawmakers to approve fines of as much as $300 million for a bigger deterrent effect, the Transportation Department said.

Chevron Profits on Poor Peoples' Pollution

Chevron in Ecuador Representative of Multinationals' Continuing Abuse of Indigenous Peoples

  By Erica Glaser, Truthout |

Local residents wash in the contaminated Santa Fe river near Shushufindi, in the oil producing Amazon region of northern Ecuador, April 27, 2009. (Photo: Moises Saman / The New York Times) Local residents wash in the contaminated Santa Fe river near Shushufindi, in the oil producing Amazon region of northern Ecuador, April 27, 2009. (Photo: Moises Saman / The New York Times)
Chevron's refusal to pay for the cleanup of oil contamination in Ecuador demonstrates the crisis of multinational corporations prioritizing profit over human rights.
American oil corporations hail from a nation built on the concept of human equality. So how, when assuming a position of power over the indigenous communities whose land they profit from, do these corporations get away with discarding all concepts of equal treatment in favor of unethical means of generating revenue?

In the Ecuadorian Amazon, the Secoya people have lived off the land for centuries. Their rich culture is rooted in the jungle landscape that surrounds them, from which Secoyan families grow their food and make their living. However, hidden within the lush landscapes of the Secoya people, the corruption of big oil has spread into the lives of the people of San Pablo village. The Secoyans, who for ages have trusted the earth above all things, are being poisoned by the contamination of the water and ground from which they draw life.

Texaco, now owned by Chevron, recklessly drilled for oil throughout the 1970s and 1980s, sidestepping environmental regulations and permanently altering indigenous communities' way of life. Ricardo Piaguaje, the president of the Secoya Foundation, recalls an immense transformation of his community to a center of industry, claiming that "[Texaco] drilled wells and set off dynamite next to our people's houses…. We began to live in a world very different from before, with noise, big machines and oil spills and petroleum waste products."
When Texaco became inactive in Ecuador, it left a catastrophic mess behind. Rather than injecting the toxic sludge and various contaminants that are brought to the earth's surface during oil drilling back into the deep ground, Texaco left over 1000 pits of hazardous oil waste all over the Secoyan land, contaminating the surrounding water sources.

When initially pressured to clean up the mess, Texaco chose the money-saving shortcut of covering these pits with dirt, leaving the indigenous people just as susceptible to health impacts from this contamination as before. Because Chevron bought Texaco in 2001, an Ecuadorean court ruled in 2011 that Chevron pay $18 billion - which was reduced to $9.5 billion in 2012 - to clean up the mess that caused both environmental ruin and a health crisis for the native people. Chevron has since taken every measure to avoid paying for the costs of Texaco's pollution, repeatedly attacking the credibility of the Ecuadorean court system and the lawyers representing the Ecuadorean people.

Today, the Secoya people in the areas in the contamination radius are particularly affected by water pollution, as Texaco dumped 18 billion gallons of toxic wastewater into the rivers from which the Secoya people obtain their water source. The contaminated water has been identified as the root cause of the elevated cancer rate of the indigenous Ecuadorians, as well as high rates of birth defects and miscarriages. Despite the visible signs of oil in the water, the Secoya people had no choice but to drink it, as their water sources are very limited. The Secoyan village of San Carlos has a cancer rate of 2.3 times that of the massive city of Quito.
   
The prevalence of cancer in the Secoyan communities has an immense impact on indigenous families, as the tragedy of these cancer deaths transcends generations. One Ecuadorian woman from the Sacha village near San Carlos describes the conditions of contamination that led to the death of her son, recalling how her family "lived in a house about 20 yards away from an oil well. Another Texaco oil well was upstream from where we got our drinking water, and the water was usually oily with a yellowish foam…. I lost Pedro when he was 19.... He had three cancerous tumors: in his lungs, liver and his leg." For people who live in the natural world, purely off the land, there is no other explanation for these elevated cancer rates besides the toxic effects of the oil pollution. Still, Chevron maintains the absurd claim that the contamination and high cancer rates are not connected.
   
All throughout Latin America and in developing nations across the world, indigenous communities are too often left uninformed and without a say in decisions about what happens to their land. Regardless of the profits at stake, there should never be a situation in which economic gains are prioritized over human rights. Chevron's crude means of handling the Ecuadorean environmental crisis highlights the need for corporations across the world to make a big change in how they treat indigenous societies and to stop making excuses for their consistent disregard for others' humanity.

Wednesday, May 14, 2014

No Safe Place - NSA Cracks All Codes

No Safe Place - NSA Cracks All Codes

Glenn Greenwald on Secret NSA Program to Crack Online Encryption

(Image: <a href=" http://www.shutterstock.com/cat.mhtml?page_number=1&position=10&safesearch=1&search_language=en&search_source=pic_recommended&search_type=keyword_search&searchterm=encryption&sort_method=popular&sort_version=4_0&source=search&timestamp=1378734320&tracking_id=9D3BshDrOjA919LJUDHttg&page=1#id=128620799&src=9D3BshDrOjA919LJUDHttg-1-10 "> via Shutterstock </a>)(Image: via Shutterstock).A new exposé based on the leaks of Edward Snowden has revealed the National Security Agency has developed methods to crack online encryption used to protect emails, banking and medical records. "Encryption is really the system that lets the Internet function as an important commercial instrument all around the world," says Glenn Greenwald of The Guardian, which collaborated with The New York Times and ProPublica on the reporting. "It’s what lets you enter your credit card number, check your banking records, buy and sell things online, get your medical tests online, engage in private communications. It’s what protects the sanctity of the Internet." Documents leaked by Snowden reveal the NSA spends $250 million a year on a program which, among other goals, works with technology companies to "covertly influence" their product designs. "The entire system is now being compromised by the NSA and their British counterpart, the GCHQ," Greenwald says. "Systematic efforts to ensure that there is no form of human commerce, human electronic communication, that is ever invulnerable to their prying eyes."
TRANSCRIPT:
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
Juan González: The Guardian, The New York Times and ProPublica have jointly revealed the National Security Agency is successfully waging a long-running secret war on encryption, jeopardizing hundreds of millions of people’s ability to protect their privacyThe New York Times writes, quote, "The NSAhas circumvented or cracked much of the encryption, or digital scrambling, that guards global commerce and banking systems, protects sensitive data like trade secrets and medical records, and automatically secures the e-mails, Web searches, Internet chats and phone calls of Americans and others around the world." Security experts say the NSA program "undermine[s] the fabric of the internet." The revelations are based on documents from the NSA and its British counterpart, GCHQ, leaked by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden.

Amy Goodman: The documents also showNSA spends $250 million a year on a program which, among other goals, works with technology companies to covertly influence their product designs. The NSA has also been deliberately weakening the international encryption standards adopted by developers. And according to the documents, a GCHQ team has reportedly been working to develop ways into encrypted traffic on the "big four" service providers, named as Hotmail, Google, Yahoo and Facebook. The spy agencies insist that the ability to defeat encryption is vital to their core missions of counterterrorism and foreign intelligence gathering.

Well, for more, we’re joined by Democracy Now! video stream by Glenn Greenwald of The Guardian, co-author of the new article, "US and UK Spy Agencies Defeat Privacy and Security on the Internet." Glenn Greenwald first published Edward Snowden’s revelations about the NSAsurveillance programs and continues to write extensively on the topic.

Glenn, welcome back to Democracy Now! We haven’t spoken to you since your partner, David Miranda, was held at Heathrow for nine hours, the airport in Britain, and we want to get to that. But first, talk about the significance of this latest exposé that both The Guardian, The New York Timesand ProPublica have published today.

Glenn Greenwald: First of all, I think there’s significance just in the partnership itself. It’s very unusual for three media organizations to work so closely on a story of this magnitude. And that happened because the U.K. government tried forcibly toThe Guardian from reporting on these documents by pressuring The Guardian editor-in-chief in London, Alan Rusbridger, to destroy the hard drives of The Guardian which contained these materials, which is why they ended up making their way to The New York Times and ProPublica. So I think it clearly backfired, now that there are other media organizations, including probably the most influential in the world, The New York Times, now vested in reporting on the story.

The significance of the story itself, I think, is easy to see. When people hear encryption, they often think about what certain people who are very interested in maintaining the confidentiality of their communications use, whether it be lawyers talking to their clients, human rights activists dealing with sensitive matters, people working against oppressive governments. And those people do use encryption, and it’s extremely important that it be safeguarded. And the fact that the NSA is trying to not only break it for themselves, but to make it weaker and put backdoors into all these programs makes all of those very sensitive communications vulnerable to all sorts of people around the world, not just the NSA, endangering human rights activists and democracy activists and lawyers and their clients and a whole variety of other people engaged in sensitive work.

But encryption is much more than that. Encryption is really the system that lets the Internet function as an important commercial instrument all around the world. It’s what lets you enter your credit card number, check your banking records, buy and sell things online, get your medical tests online, engage in private communications. It’s what protects the sanctity of the Internet. And what these documents show is not just that the NSA is trying to break the codes of encryption to let them get access to everything, but they’re forcing the companies that provide the encryption services to put backdoors into their programs, which means, again, that not only the NSA, but all sorts of hackers and other governments and all kinds of ill-motivated people, can have a weakness to exploit, a vulnerability to exploit, in these systems, which makes the entire Internet insecure for everybody. And the fact that it’s all being done as usual with no transparency or accountability makes this very newsworthy.

Juan González: But, Glenn, going back to the mid-1990s in the Clinton administration, when the government tried to establish these backdoors into communications on the Internet, there was a public debate and a rejection of this. What has happened since then now in terms of howNSAoperates?

Glenn Greenwald: Right, it’s interesting. If you go back to the mid-'90s, that debate was really spawned by the attack on Oklahoma City, which the Clinton administration—on the Oklahoma City courthouse by Timothy McVeigh, which the Clinton administration immediately exploited to try and demand that every single form of computer security or human communication on the Internet be vulnerable to government intrusion, that it all—that there be no encryption to which the governments didn't have the key. And as you said, a combination of public backlash and industry pressure led to a rejection of that proposal, and the industries were particularly incensed by it, because they said if you put backdoors into this technology, it will make it completely vulnerable. If anyone gets that key, if anybody figures out how to crack it, it will mean that there’s no security anymore on the Internet.
And so, since the NSA and the U.S. government couldn’t get its way that way, what they’ve done instead is they resorted to covert means to infiltrate these companies, to pressure and coerce them, to provide the very backdoors that they failed to compel through legislation and through public debate and accountability. And that is what this story essentially reveals, is that the entire system is now being compromised by the NSA and their British counterpart, the GCHQ, systematic efforts to ensure that there is no form of human commerce, human electronic communication, that is ever invulnerable to their prying eyes. And again, the danger is not just that they get into all of our transactions and human communications, but that they are making it much easier for all kinds of other entities to do the same thing.

Amy Goodman: Glenn Greenwald,The Guardian piece, you write, "The NSA spends $250m a year on a program which, among other goals, works with technology companies to 'covertly influence' their product designs." How does the NSA do this?

Glenn Greenwald: So, one of the things that happens here is that a lot of these large technology companies sell products, expensive products, to their users based on the claim that these products will safeguard the privacy of people’s activities online or online communication through encryption. At the same time, these companies are working directly with the U.S. government andNSA, either cooperatively or because they’re getting benefits from it or through coercion, to make these products vulnerable and insecure, exactly undermining the commitments that they’re making to their users that they will enable and safeguard the privacy of their communications. So it’s really a form of fraud that the—that the technology industry is perpetrating on its users, pretending that they’re offering security while at the same time working with the U.S. government to make sure that these products are being designed in a way that makes them actually vulnerable to invasion. And again, sometimes it’s the fault of the technology companies. They do it because they want good relationships with the U.S. government. They’re profit-motivated. They get benefits from it. But a lot of times there’s just pressure and coercion on the part of a very powerful, sprawling U.S. government that induces these companies to do it against their wishes.

Juan González: And these revelations have some specifics in terms of those who are cooperating. Could you talk about Microsoft and its Outlook email?

Glenn Greenwald: Sure. We actually reported about a month ago an article that focused almost exclusively on Microsoft and the extraordinary collaboration that company engages in withNSA to provide backdoor access to its very programs that they tout to the world as offering safe encryption. If you look at what—if you just go look at Outlook.com, what Microsoft says about its Outlook email server, which is now basically the program where, if you use Hotmail or any other Microsoft service, your email is routed through, they tout Outlook as this really great service that protects people’s communications through this strong encryption. And at the very same time, Microsoft is working in private with the NSA to ensure access by the NSA across all of their platforms, not just Outlook email, but Skype and a whole variety of other services that Microsoft offers to their users to basically ensure that it’s all completely vulnerable to NSA snooping. And again, one of the big problems with it is that when you allow—when you make these programs vulnerable to the NSA, you’re also making them vulnerable to other intelligence agencies around the world or to hackers or to corporate spies or to people who just wish you ill will for any number of reasons. It’s making the entire Internet insecure.

Amy Goodman: After—The Guardian revealed last month that it smashed several computers in its London office after the British government threatened legal action, editor Alan Rusbridger said he agreed to their demand in order to avoid the newspaper’s potential closure. This is what he said.
Alan Rusbridger: We were faced, effectively, with an ultimatum from the British government that if we didn’t hand back the material or destroy it, they would move to law. That would mean prior restraint, a concept that is anathema in America and other parts of the world, in which the state can effectively prevent a news publisher from publishing, and I didn’t want to get into that position. And I also explained to the U.K. officials we were dealing with that there were other copies already in America and Brazil, so they wouldn’t be achieving anything. But once it was obvious that they would be going to law, I would rather destroy the copy than hand it back to them or allow the courts to freeze our reporting.
Amy Goodman: Last month at a White House news briefing, the deputy spokesperson, Josh Earnest, was asked if the U.S. government would ever take similar actions against a media outlet. He said, quote, "It’s very difficult to imagine a scenario in which that would be appropriate." Glenn Greenwald, can you talk about what happened at your paper?

Glenn Greenwald: It should be a major scandal. I mean, the United States and the U.K. run around the world constantly denouncing other countries that aren’t friendly with it for abusing press freedoms or failing to protect them, and yet at the same time both of these countries are engaged in a major assault on journalism when it comes to those who are trying to report on what it is they’re doing. The idea that the U.K. government, at the behest of the highest levels of that government, the prime minister and their top—it’s his top security officials—wentThe Guardian and threatenedThe Guardian's top editor repeatedly and ultimately forced him to destroy hard drives that contained the byproduct of our journalism is the stuff that, you know, the U.K. and the U.S. governments would like you to think happen only in Russia or China or other governments that they love to depict as tyrannical, and yet it's happening in the closest ally of the United States.

And, of course, in the United States itself, there is a major war on the news-gathering process with the prosecution of whistleblowers, the people who serve as sources for journalists, the theories they flirted with to criminalize the process of journalism, with the criminal and grand jury investigation of WikiLeaks or the filing of an affidavit accusing a Fox News journalist of being a co-conspirator in felonies because he worked with his source.

You really see these two governments working hand in hand to create this climate of fear in which even the largest media organizations, like The New York Times, whose celebrated reporter Jim Risen is being threatened with jail, or The Guardian, a 220-year-old newspaper, one of the most influential in the world, being threatened in the most thuggish and abusive ways to stop their reporting. And The Guardian had to take very extreme measures to evade those threats, including providing substantial numbers of documents to The New York Times and ProPublica to make sure that if they were ordered to destroy all of their sets, that there would be copies existing elsewhere in the world so that this material could continue to be reported.

Juan González: Glenn, what do you think needs to happen, given these continuing revelations aboutNSA especially, but our government in general, being virtually out of control in terms of its surveillance of communications of—not only of Americans, but around the world? Do you think that the impact of all of these revelations is going to move, hopefully, Congress to act in a stronger way to control these activities?

Glenn Greenwald: I do. I think the impact of all of this reporting is often underappreciated, in part because the changes in public opinion are often imperceptible. They happen somewhat incrementally, and we don’t immediately notice the shifts. But certain polls that have been released since we began our reporting show some very radical changes in how Americans think about threats to their privacy. They now fear government assault on their civil liberties more than they fear the threat of terrorism, something that has never happened, at least since the 9/11 attacks.

But I also think it’s important to appreciate just how global this story has resonated. There are countless countries around the world in which there are very intense debates taking place over the nature of U.S. surveillance, the value of Internet freedom and privacy. There are all kinds of pressure movements to demand that those people’s governments take serious action against the United States to protect the Internet from these kind of intrusions. You see an incredibly unprecedented, really, coalition of people across the spectrum in Congress banding together against NSA spying, insisting that they will continue to engage in reform movements, something that transcends partisan divisions or ideological divisions. It’s causing serious diplomatic tensions between the United States and allies in Germany, here in Brazil and other countries around the world, that will continue, as more reporting happens, on a country-by-country basis, as we partner with more and more media organizations around the world. So I think absolutely this has had a huge impact not just on the way that people think about surveillance and the NSA surveillance program, but, as importantly, the way they think about President Obama, the credibility of the United States government in terms of the claims it makes, one after the next of which have proven to be false, and, more generally, the role of the United States and its closest allies, including the U.K., in the world, and how much defiance and challenge they actually need.

Amy Goodman: You know, you could, in an odd way, talk about how Syria is linked to these revelations. President Obama is pursuing a pro-strike strategy with Syria right now in Russia, as opposed to talking about, you know, using this moment at the G-20 summit to push for diplomacy. He was already isolated from Putin, angry at Putin because Putin gave temporary asylum to Ed Snowden, so he cancels his bilateral meeting with Putin, which could have been used to make a deal around Syria, since he’s the major sponsor of Syria. You also have, with the G-20, President Obama trying to get these countries to support a strike, but he’s up against—you could say, against a wall BRICS, meaning BRICS, you know, the BRICS nations—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa—who, it’s been revealed, that the NSA has been spying on, so there’s not a lot of friendliness there. Can you talk about your more recent—the piece you did before this one, around Brazil, which has caused a furor in your country, the country where you live right now, where we’re speaking to you?

Glenn Greenwald: Sure. We’ve been doing a lot of reporting in Brazil, in the same way that Laura Poitras, who lives in Germany because she’s afraid to edit her own film on U.S. soil because she thinks it will be seized, the footage will be, because it’s aboutNSA, the way that she’s been teaming with Der Spiegel to report on U.S. spying on Germans. I’ve been teaming with British media outlets—Brazilian media outlets to report on what’s being done in Brazil and, more generally, to Latin America.

And the stories that we started off with were about indiscriminate mass collection of the communications, data and voice and Internet emails, of literally tens of millions of Brazilians, literally stealing from the Brazilian telecommunications system all of this data on the part of the NSA, on behalf of a government over which Brazilians exercise no accountability, for which they don’t vote, to which they—and which owes them no obligation. That already created a huge scandal in Brazil. And the reporting talked about how that’s being done more broadly in Latin America, which made that scandal spread.

And then, with the report that we did last week that Dilma herself, the president of Brazil, Dilma Rousseff, had been a very personal, specific target, along with the Mexican president, where her personal communications had been analyzed and intercepted and listened to, created an enormous furor here. It caused the Brazilian government to threaten to cancel a state dinner, which is a huge matter between the U.S. and Brazil, the only state dinner that I believe the White House is having this year, to threaten to cancel large contracts. And now, this Sunday, on the same program, which is the largest, most-watched program in Brazil, we’re going to have another report that I think is even bigger, about what the NSA is doing in terms of spying on Brazilian citizens.

And so, you know, I think that one of the things that’s happening here is that, at the very least, if theNSA wants to construct a massive spying system that literally has as its goal the complete elimination of privacy around the world, that people around the world ought to at least be aware that that’s taking place, so that they can have democratic and informed debates about what they want to do about it, about how they want to safeguard their privacy, just like Americans are entitled to know that the U.S. government is collecting all of their personal communications data, as well.

Juan González: And, Glenn, I want to ask you about something closer to home, ask you about what happened to your partner, David Miranda, when he was detained last month by the British government at London’s Heathrow Airport for nine hours under a British anti-terrorism law. He faced repeated interrogation and had his belongings seized, including thumb drives carrying information you used in your reporting NSA surveillance. Speaking on his return to Brazil, Miranda said he was subjected to psychological violence.
David Miranda: [translated] A Brazilian that travels to a country like this and is detained for nine hours in this way, it, I think, breaks a person, you understand? You break down completely and get very scared. They didn’t use any physical violence against me, but you can see that it was a fantastic use of psychological violence.
Juan González: Glenn, could you talk about—about this incident?

Glenn Greenwald: Sure. I mean, first of all, what David was talking about there was the fact that they didn’t just detain him the way you sometimes get regularly detained at an airport when you visit another country for a few minutes or for even an hour to get secondarily screened. He was told right from the beginning that he was being detained under the Terrorism Act of 2000, which means that he was being detained under a law the purpose of which is to investigate people for ties to terrorism. And although it might be a little bit difficult for American citizens or for British citizens to understand, for people around the world who have seen what the U.S. and the U.K. governments do in the name of terrorism—they disappear people, they kidnap them, they torture them, they put them into cages for years at a time without so much as charges or even a lawyer—it’s an—not to mention the bombs they drop and the children they kill with drones—it’s an incredibly intimidating thing to be told that you’re being detained by a government with the behavioral record of the U.K. under a terrorism law.

The fact that hour after hour after hour went by, when they refused to allow him to speak to me or anybody in the outside world other than a list that they gave him of what they said were their approved lawyers, who they said that he was free to talk to on the phone, and when he told them that he didn’t trust their lawyers, their list or their phones, that he wanted to speak in person with a lawyer sent by me or by The Guardian, and was told that he had no right to a lawyer, no right to outside contact, that’s what he meant by the psychological violence, that he was kept in this small room, repeatedly interrogated hour after hour under a terrorism law, denied the right to his independent lawyers, ones that he trusted, not ones provided by them, and had no idea what was going to be done to him.

The entire day, I was being told by Guardian lawyers in Britain that it was likely that after the nine hours he would be arrested. That’s typically what they do. They barely ever hold anybody for more than an hour, and almost always when they do, it ends with an arrest. Sometimes they arrest them on terrorism charges, sometimes because there’s an obligation under this law to be fully cooperative, meaning answering all their questions fully, not refusing to answer anything, giving them passwords that they ask. If you even remotely refuse any of that, if they perceive that you’re not being cooperative, they will then charge you separately for a violation of that law, then will arrest you and put them in—put the person into the criminal justice system.

All of this, combined with the fact that high-level Brazilian diplomats were unable to find out any information about where he was or what was being done to him, was absolutely designed to send a message—as Reuters reported, by quoting a U.S. official, a message of intimidation to those of us who have been reporting on the GCHQ and the NSA, that if we continue to do so, this is the sort of thing that we can expect. The idea that all they wanted to do was to take his USB drives is ludicrous, for a lot of reasons, including the fact that all kinds of Guardian reporters have flown in and out of Heathrow. Laura Poitras herself flew to London and back out again without incident. They had no idea what he would be carrying. How would they possibly know? But more to the point, if all they wanted to do was take his things, that would have taken nine minutes, not nine hours. They purposely kept him for nine hours, the full amount allowed under that law, because they wanted to be as thuggish and intimidating as possible.

And the fact that he was helping Laura for a week in Berlin with our journalism, that he was carrying material back to me that Laura and I were working on journalistically, doesn’t make what they did better, it makes it worse. It shows how what the U.K. government is doing is specifically targeting the journalism process and trying to be intimidating and to force it to stop. And it’s clear it had no effect. If anything, it backfired, as I said from the beginning that it would. But I think their intent is completely clear to the world.

Amy Goodman: Are you suing? And did David get his equipment back?

Glenn Greenwald: David is absolutely suing. He is pursuing a judgment in the British courts that, as even the author of that law in the U.K. said, it was a completely illegal detention because it was obvious they had no interest in investigating him about terrorism. They never asked him a single question about terrorism. There was obviously no—nobody thought he was connected to a terrorist organization. He was repeatedly questioned about everything but terrorism, including, primarily, our journalism.

He hasn’t gotten any of his belongings back. And one of the things that happened is that the U.K. government just outright lied about what took place that day. They claimed he was carrying a password that allowed them access to 58,000 classified documents. He was not carrying any password that allowed them access to any documents. They actually filed an affidavit the same day they made that claim, saying—asking the court to let them continue to keep his belongings on the ground that all of the material he was carrying was heavily encrypted, that they couldn’t break the encryption, and they only got access to 75 of the documents that he was carrying, most of which are probably ones related to his school work and personal use. But, of course, media outlet has just uncritically repeated what the U.K. government had said, as though it were true. It wasn’t true; it was a pack of lies. But even if it were true, the idea that you’re going to detain somebody under a terrorism law who you think is working with journalists is incredibly menacing, as menacing as anything the U.K. government denounces when other countries do it.

Amy Goodman: Glenn, we want to thank you for being with us. We know you have to leave. Glenn Greenwald is a columnist on civil liberties and U.S. national security issues The Guardian. He’s also a former constitutional lawyer, first published Edward Snowden’s revelations about the NSA surveillance program and continues to write extensively on the topic. His most recent piece, co-authored in The Guardian, "US and UK Spy Agencies Defeat Privacy and Security on the Internet." We will link to that at Democracy Now.org.

Don’t go away. After break, Bruce Schneier, one of the leading experts on security on the Internet, is coming up, and then we’ll speak with Adam Entous of The Wall Street Journal about the Saudi-Syrian rebel connection and what the U.S. has to do with it. Stay with us.

Sunday, May 11, 2014

Retirement Anxiety (Due to Pension Thefts)

Retirement Is Americans' Top Financial Worry

Middle-aged Americans most concerned about retirement

by Andrew Dugan

Americans' Top Financial Concerns
WASHINGTON, D.C. -- A firm majority of Americans, 59%, are worried about not having enough money for retirement, surpassing eight other financial matters. A majority of Americans have reported being "very" or "moderately" worried about retirement savings every year since 2001, illustrating that saving for retirement disquiets Americans in both good and bad economic times.
These results are from Gallup's annual Economy and Personal Finance poll, conducted April 3-6 this year.

The next top concern, not being able to pay medical costs in the event of a serious illness or accident, worries 53% of Americans. This is down from a record high of 62% in 2012.

Third on the list of Americans' top financial worries is not being able to maintain the standard of living they enjoy, with nearly half of the country's adults citing this concern. Together, retirement savings, unexpected medical costs, and maintaining one's standard of living typically top the list of the eight financial items that Gallup has tracked annually since 2001. Concerns about all three are down modestly from two years ago, but are still higher than they were before the Great Recession.
Americans' Top Financial Concerns, 2001 to 2014

Notably, four in 10 American adults say they are very or moderately worried about not having enough money to pay off their debt. This is the first time Gallup has included this financial issue. With as much as $1 trillion in outstanding student loan debt circulating in the U.S. today -- not to mention other prevalent types of debt such as credit cards -- debt concerns are clearly weighing on a significant proportion of the country.

Of the nine concerns tested, the bottom two concerns -- not being able to pay one's rent or mortgage, and not being able to make minimum payments on credit card bills -- are those most likely to indicate immediate insolvency. This finding suggests that most common financial problems are related more to savings and future expenditures than day-to-day living.

Middle-Aged Americans Most Worried About Retirement
Personal financial concerns vary significantly across age groups. The top problem for the broadly defined group of middle-aged Americans -- those aged 30 to 64 -- is not having enough money for retirement, in line with previous findings. For this group, about seven in 10 worry about not having enough money for retirement.
Americans' Top Financial Concerns, by Age
Young Americans aged 18 to 29 worry most about paying medical costs in the event of a serious illness or accident (52%), perhaps a result of the comparatively high uninsured rate for younger Americans or the lack of savings typically characterizing that age group. An equal share of 18- to 29-year-olds (52%) say they are worried about being able to maintain their standard of living. And nearly half of 18- to 29-year-olds worry about being able to pay off debt, perhaps a consequence of the massive amount of student loan debt that many young adults carry. Possibly befitting their youth and their longer distance in years from retirement, this group is least concerned about having enough money when they retire compared with other age groups -- despite dire predictions about the future of Medicare and Social Security.

Older Americans, those aged 65 or older, also worry most about being able to pay medical costs in the event of a serious illness or accident, though few in this age group lack health insurance. However, given the formidable cost of protracted, continual medical care that often characterizes older Americans' later years, many senior citizens may feel their health insurance alone cannot handle such a financial burden. Generally speaking, though, senior citizens are much less concerned about most of these financial problems than are their younger counterparts. The majority of older Americans appear to have retirement financing under control; 37% worry about having enough money in their retirement, by far the lowest percentage of any age group. Senior citizens are least concerned about not having enough money to pay for their children's college education (8%) -- presumably because older Americans already faced that challenge.

For Americans across all age groups, the ability to make minimum payments on credit card bills does not generate much concern.

Bottom Line
Retirement may be a time that many working adults look forward to, but it is paradoxically a source of stress in the here and now. A strong majority of Americans, particularly those aged 30 to 64, worry about having enough money for retirement, and this concern has regularly topped the list of Americans' top financial problems. The only other personal financial concern that a majority of Americans are very or moderately worried about is the ability to pay medical costs in the event of a serious accident or illness.

For a country that now has a life expectancy at birth of 78.7 years, retirement savings for post-work years is considered a matter of national importance. These concerns led President Barack Obama to propose a retirement savings account for working adults -- MyRA -- during this year's State of the Union address. It remains to be seen whether this new type of savings plan, which will be available in late 2014, will ultimately alleviate some Americans' concerns about retirement.

Survey Methods
Results for this Gallup poll are based on telephone interviews conducted April 3-6, 2014, with a random sample of 1,026 adults, aged 18 and older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia.
For results based on the total sample of national adults, the margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.