Thursday, January 23, 2014

States Act to Stop Illegal NSA Surveillance

Some States Have a Sneaky Plan to Stop the NSA

Thursday, 23 January 2014 09:56 By Kevin Mathews, Care2 | Report
 (Photo: Protesters rally against mass surveillance during an event organized by the group Stop Watching Us in Washington, DC on October 26, 2013 via Shutterstock)

What are outraged American citizens to do after the federal government has pretty much decided to do nothing to fix the unconstitutional NSA spy program? Get the states involved! A handful of states across the country have already begun devising plans to thwart the dubious agency with state laws, including stopping the NSA facilities’ water and electricity access.

So far, six states (Missouri, California, Oklahoma, Kansas, Washington, and Indiana) have introduced bills that target the NSA. Though they all differ somewhat, each state's bill would impede NSA operations within their boundaries.

In Washington, for example, the bill would attack the NSA on multiple fronts:
  • State and local officials would be barred from providing information or “support” to the NSA.
  • The NSA would be forbidden from researching and recruiting at state universities.
  • Evidence collected by the NSA would be inadmissible in state courts.
  • Businesses that have contracts with the state would not be allowed to conduct business with the NSA in any capacity; companies that disobeyed would lose their contracts and face criminal charges.
  • Access to water and electricity provided by the state would be cut off altogether.
The last one is particularly a doozy since the buildings would be unable to operate without power and water. NSA’s facility in Utah, for example, requires 1.7 million gallons of water each day. (Forget the warrant-less surveillance for a moment – can we get some eco activists on their case?) Presumably, the NSA would seek these pulled resources from private companies instead, but it would certainly make things more complicated for the agency.

That’s precisely the point, anyway. If the states can’t eliminate spying and mass data collection on innocent citizens altogether, they can at least put up obstacles that may deter them. Will the federal government still find it worthwhile to spy on citizens in a particular state when officials aren’t allowed to assist them? How about when the evidence they’ve gathered is ultimately banned from the courtroom?

Remarkably, participating states are seeing bipartisan support for these retaliatory steps. Though the NSA may be a contentious issue, opponents are hardly divided by party lines. Politicians from both sides of the aisle have taken issue with the assault on the Fourth Amendment and are willing to work together to protect constitutional rights.

As Mother Jones points out, it’s not unprecedented for states to take issue with national agencies. Colorado and Washington don’t work with the Drug Enforcement Administration to pursue marijuana smokers. Meanwhile, California passed its own laws to prevent turning over illegal aliens to U.S. Immigration for likely deportation.

It’s too soon to project whether the states will have any success getting these anti-NSA bills through their respective state legislatures – even critics of the program may be too shy to disobey a federal agency on this issue. Nonetheless, the early action has been enough to inspire additional bills, with politicians in Arizona, Utah, and Michigan indicating that they’re preparing to introduce similar legislation. If even just a couple of the states can put these bills into action, it will speak volumes on a symbolic level.

If President Obama isn’t willing to put a stop to this alarming program, it’s nice to see that many on the state level are set on honoring the U.S. Constitution – even if it means shutting the lights off by literally cutting off its electricity.

Monday, January 20, 2014

Supremes to Rule on Dues Check Off

The Supreme Court. (photo: Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images)
The Supreme Court. (photo: Karen Bleier/AFP/Getty Images)

Supreme Court to Hear Little-Known Case With Huge Implications for Unions

By Peter Moskowitz, Al Jazeera America
20 January 14
 
The court may decide this week if public-sector unions can charge mandatory fees.

case scheduled to be heard by the Supreme Court this week has managed to stay out of the limelight, skirting political debate and media frenzy for years despite its potentially devastating ramifications for unions across the country.

Harris v. Quinn is a case started by eight home-care workers who resisted joining a state union —and paying the corresponding union dues —in Illinois. Unionization was a prerequisite for their employment by the state. They filed a class-action lawsuit against Illinois in 2010, arguing that being forced to pay into a union as a condition of their employment violated their First Amendment rights to freedom of association.

As the case worked its way up the court system, with both state and federal appeals courts siding with the state, the lawsuit ballooned from a small class-action case into one that could affect every public-sector union in the country.

If the court rules in favor of the plaintiffs, the foundation of public union funding — the ability to collect compulsory dues — could crumble.

Union leaders and labor supporters are worried that the current Supreme Court, which has had a lukewarm relationship with organized labor, will overturn decades of precedent and find that public-sector unions cannot compel state employees to pay them.

“(The plaintiffs) want to destroy things for working people in the U.S.,” said Keith Kelleher, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) in Illinois. If the court rules in the plaintiffs’ favor, he said, “it would be catastrophic.”

While the Harris v. Quinn case was started by a small group, it has large special interests fighting for it. On one side are big unions who have a vested interest in requiring state employees to pay dues for the union’s non-political activity, as well as the Illinois government and the U.S. federal government, whose representatives believe maintaining their current relationship with unions is mutually beneficial.

On the other side is a medley of groups with conservative ties, most notably the National Right to Work Foundation, which was founded in 1968 to fight against compulsory union dues and other aspects of union membership. While the foundation keeps its donor list private, it has been linked to billionaire conservative mega-donors Charles and David Koch.

The Supreme Court could weigh in on the issue in several ways, with some outcomes more limited than others. But if the court decides to consider the case in its broadest terms, its decision could undermine the bedrock of union funding.

As a bargaining agent for a group of employees, a union is obligated to represent all workers —whether they want to join the union or not. Workers in a unionized sector are therefore not required to join the union, but have to pay dues for costs the union incurs by collectively bargaining on their behalf.

In 2003, Illinois allowed home-care workers taking care of disabled people to become unionized. Many are relatives of those they are caring for. The state pays these caregivers through Medicaid in order to help keep the disabled out of group homes, which are potentially more expensive and less effective. The state’s logic is that because these caregivers are paid through Medicaid, even if they are family members they are technically state employees —and therefore benefit from state union representation.

About 20,000 Illinois residents currently pay some $3.6 million in union dues as caregivers.
The National Right to Work Foundation and its allies contend that it is wrong to consider home aides to be state employees. And they say that requiring anyone —whether a home caregiver or a more traditional union employee —to pay compulsory fees violates First Amendment rights.

“The idea that in order for a citizen to work for their government they can be forced to subsidize the speech of a private organization for representation they don’t want and never asked for, is contrary to the very core of the First Amendment,” Patrick Semmens, the vice president of the foundation, said in a news release. “Union power achieved through forcing employees to associate with the union or to pay monies to the union should be seen as illegitimate.”

In its deliberations, the Supreme Court will have to consider a 1967 case called Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, which upheld that public unions, just like their private counterparts, could collect mandatory dues.

If the court overrules Abood, it would be a huge hit to unions. But experts are guardedly confident that won’t happen. The court has ruled that the public sector is just like the private one in some key ways. For example, it upheld that it is not a violation of the First Amendment if a public sector employee is fired for saying something negative about his or her employer.

“We give the states the ability to run as an employer, and that’s kind of what’s happening in Harris,” saidHarvard Law School professor Benjamin Sachs. “So to do what the National Right to Work Foundation is asking them to do, they’d really have to upset a lot of doctrine regarding the First Amendment."

But Sachs and others say the court could still harm unions in other ways, for example by ruling that home care workers are not eligible for unionization because of the individualized nature of their work. Semmens of the National Right to Work Foundation said he would consider that a “step in the right direction.”

Illinois union members and advocates worry about that outcome the most. They say it would not only harm the union, but would increase the likelihood that those paid through Medicaid to care for disabled relatives would see their pay rolled back.

That could cause a wave of families becoming unable to afford keeping disabled relatives at home, and therefore becoming more likely to send them to state-funded group homes.

While that outcome would be less fundamentally damaging to unions everywhere, health care workers and union leaders say it would essentially reverse Illinois’ efforts to keep disabled people at home instead of in group homes, a policy that has taken decades to build and refine.

“It took 30 years to get to this point,” said Flora Johnson, who takes care of her disabled son and is an SEIU leader. “With a union we can negotiate, we have a boss, we have training. Without a union, we wouldn’t have a voice.”


Friday, January 17, 2014

NSA Snares Millions of Texts in "Dishfire"

NSA collects millions of text messages daily in 'untargeted' global sweep

• NSA extracts location, contacts and financial transactions
• 'Dishfire' program sweeps up 'pretty much everything it can'
• GCHQ using database to search metadata from UK numbers
 • Dishfire presentation on text message collection – key extracts

Texting on BlackBerry mobile phone
The NSA has made extensive use of its text message database to extract information on people under no suspicion of illegal activity. Photograph: Dave Thompson/PA
The National Security Agency has collected almost 200 million text messages a day from across the globe, using them to extract data including location, contact networks and credit card details, according to top-secret documents.

The untargeted collection and storage of SMS messages – including their contacts – is revealed in a joint investigation between the Guardian and the UK’s Channel 4 News based on material provided by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden.

The documents also reveal the UK spy agency GCHQ has made use of the NSA database to search the metadata of “untargeted and unwarranted” communications belonging to people in the UK.
The NSA program, codenamed Dishfire, collects “pretty much everything it can”, according to GCHQ documents, rather than merely storing the communications of existing surveillance targets.
The NSA has made extensive use of its vast text message database to extract information on people’s travel plans, contact books, financial transactions and more – including of individuals under no suspicion of illegal activity.

An agency presentation from 2011 – subtitled “SMS Text Messages: A Goldmine to Exploit” – reveals the program collected an average of 194 million text messages a day in April of that year. In addition to storing the messages themselves, a further program known as “Prefer” conducted automated analysis on the untargeted communications.


sms1
An NSA presentation from 2011 on the agency's Dishfire program to collect millions of text messages daily. Photograph: Guardian
The Prefer program uses automated text messages such as missed call alerts or texts sent with international roaming charges to extract information, which the agency describes as “content-derived metadata”, and explains that “such gems are not in current metadata stores and would enhance current analytics”.

On average, each day the NSA was able to extract:
• More than 5 million missed-call alerts, for use in contact-chaining analysis (working out someone’s social network from who they contact and when)
Details of 1.6 million border crossings a day, from network roaming alerts
• More than 110,000 names, from electronic business cards, which also included the ability to extract and save images.
• Over 800,000 financial transactions, either through text-to-text payments or linking credit cards to phone users

The agency was also able to extract geolocation data from more than 76,000 text messages a day, including from “requests by people for route info” and “setting up meetings”. Other travel information was obtained from itinerary texts sent by travel companies, even including cancellations and delays to travel plans.

sms5
A slide on the Dishfire program describes the 'analytic gems' of collected metadata. Photograph: Guardian
Communications from US phone numbers, the documents suggest, were removed (or “minimized”) from the database – but those of other countries, including the UK, were retained.

The revelation the NSA is collecting and extracting personal information from hundreds of millions 
of global text messages a day is likely to intensify international pressure on US president Barack Obama, who on Friday is set to give his response to the report of his NSA review panel.
While US attention has focused on whether the NSA’s controversial phone metadata program will be discontinued, the panel also suggested US spy agencies should pay more consideration to the privacy rights of foreigners, and reconsider spying efforts against allied heads of state and diplomats.

In a statement to the Guardian, a spokeswoman for the NSA said any implication that the agency’s collection was “arbitrary and unconstrained is false”. The agency’s capabilities were directed only against “valid foreign intelligence targets” and were subject to stringent legal safeguards, she said.
The ways in which the UK spy agency GCHQ has made use of the NSA Dishfire database also seems likely to raise questions on the scope of its powers.

While GCHQ is not allowed to search through the content of messages without a warrant – though the contents are stored rather than deleted or “minimized” from the database – the agency’s lawyers decided analysts were able to see who UK phone numbers had been texting, and search for them in the database.

The GCHQ memo sets out in clear terms what the agency’s access to Dishfire allows it to do, before handling how UK communications should be treated. The unique property of Dishfire, it states, is how much untargeted or unselected information it stores.

“In contrast to [most] GCHQ equivalents, DISHFIRE contains a large volume of unselected SMS traffic,” it states (emphasis original). “This makes it particularly useful for the development of new targets, since it is possible to examine the content of messages sent months or even years before the target was known to be of interest.”

It later explains in plain terms how useful this capability can be. Comparing Dishfire favourably to a GCHQ counterpart which only collects against phone numbers that have specifically been targeted, it states “Dishfire collects pretty much everything it can, so you can see SMS from a selector which is not targeted”.

The document also states the database allows for broad, bulk searches of keywords which could result in a high number of hits, rather than just narrow searches against particular phone numbers: “It is also possible to search against the content in bulk (e.g. for a name or home telephone number) if the target’s mobile phone number is not known.”

Analysts are warned to be careful when searching content for terms relating to UK citizens or people currently residing in the UK, as these searches could be successful but would not be legal without a warrant or similar targeting authority.

However, a note from GCHQ’s operational legalities team, dated May 2008, states agents can search Dishfire for “events” data relating to UK numbers – who is contacting who, and when.

“You may run a search of UK numbers in DISHFIRE in order to retrieve only events data,” the note states, before setting out how an analyst can prevent himself seeing the content of messages when he searches – by toggling a single setting on the search tool.

Once this is done, the document continues, “this will now enable you to run a search without displaying the content of the SMS, especially useful for untargeted and unwarranted UK numbers.”
A separate document gives a sense of how large-scale each Dishfire search can be, asking analysts to restrain their searches to no more than 1,800 phone numbers at a time.

sms8
An NSA slide on the 'Prefer' program reveals the program collected an average of 194 million text messages a day in April 2011. Photograph: Guardian
The note warns analysts they must be careful to make sure they use the form’s toggle before searching, as otherwise the database will return the content of the UK messages – which would, without a warrant, cause the analyst to “unlawfully be seeing the content of the SMS”.

The note also adds that the NSA automatically removes all “US-related SMS” from the database,
so it is not available for searching.

A GCHQ spokesman refused to comment on any particular matters, but said all its intelligence activities were in compliance with UK law and oversight.

But Vodafone, one of the world’s largest mobile phone companies with operations in 25 countries including Britain, greeted the latest revelations with shock.

“It’s the first we’ve heard about it and naturally we’re shocked and surprised,” the group’s privacy officer and head of legal for privacy, security and content standards told Channel 4 News.
“What you’re describing sounds concerning to us because the regime that we are required to comply with is very clear and we will only disclose information to governments where we are legally compelled to do so, won’t go beyond the law and comply with due process.

“But what you’re describing is something that sounds as if that’s been circumvented. And for us as a business this is anathema because our whole business is founded on protecting privacy as a fundamental imperative.”

He said the company would be challenging the UK government over this. “From our perspective, the law is there to protect our customers and it doesn’t sound as if that is what is necessarily happening.”
The NSA’s access to, and storage of, the content of communications of UK citizens may also be contentious in the light of earlier Guardian revelations that the agency was drafting policies to facilitate spying on the citizens of its allies, including the UK and Australia, which would – if enacted – enable the agency to search its databases for UK citizens without informing GCHQ or UK politicians.

The documents seen by the Guardian were from an internal Wikipedia-style guide to the NSA program provided for GCHQ analysts, and noted the Dishfire program was “operational” at the time the site was accessed, in 2012.

The documents do not, however, state whether any rules were subsequently changed, or give estimates of how many UK text messages are collected or stored in the Dishfire system, or from where they are being intercepted.

In the statement, the NSA spokeswoman said: “As we have previously stated, the implication that NSA's collection is arbitrary and unconstrained is false.

“NSA's activities are focused and specifically deployed against – and only against – valid foreign intelligence targets in response to intelligence requirements.

“Dishfire is a system that processes and stores lawfully collected SMS data. Because some SMS data of US persons may at times be incidentally collected in NSA’s lawful foreign intelligence mission, privacy protections for US persons exist across the entire process concerning the use, handling, retention, and dissemination of SMS data in Dishfire.

“In addition, NSA actively works to remove extraneous data, to include that of innocent foreign citizens, as early as possible in the process.”
The agency draws a distinction between the bulk collection of communications and the use of that data to monitor or find specific targets.
A spokesman for GCHQ refused to respond to any specific queries regarding Dishfire, but said the agency complied with UK law and regulators.

“It is a longstanding policy that we do not comment on intelligence matters,” he said. “Furthermore, all of GCHQ's work is carried out in accordance with a strict legal and policy framework which ensures that our activities are authorised, necessary and proportionate, and that there is rigorous oversight, including from the Secretary of State, the Interception and Intelligence Services Commissioners and the Parliamentary Intelligence and Security Committee.”

GCHQ also directed the Guardian towards a statement made to the House of Commons in June 2013 by foreign secretary William Hague, in response to revelations of the agency’s use of the Prism program.

“Any data obtained by us from the US involving UK nationals is subject to proper UK statutory controls and safeguards, including the relevant sections of the Intelligence Services Act, the Human Rights Act and the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act,” Hague told MPs.

Monday, January 13, 2014

NSA Spy Myths Debunked

You Can't Opt Out: 10 NSA Myths Debunked

Monday, 13 January 2014 11:07 By Peter Van Buren, TomDispatch | News Analysis

An undated handout photo of the National Security Agency campus in Fort Meade, Md. The National Security Agency has secretly circumvented or cracked much of the digital scrambling that protects global commerce, e-mails, phone calls, medical records and Web searches, according to newly disclosed documents. (Photo: U.S. Government via The New York Times) An undated handout photo of the National Security Agency campus in Fort Meade, Md. The National Security Agency has secretly circumvented or cracked much of the digital scrambling that protects global commerce, e-mails, phone calls, medical records and Web searches, according to newly disclosed documents. (Photo: U.S. Government via The New York Times) The debate Edward Snowden envisioned when he revealed the extent of National Security Agency (NSA) spying on Americans has taken a bad turn.

Instead of a careful examination of what the NSA does, the legality of its actions, what risks it takes for what gains, and how effective the agency has been in its stated mission of protecting Americans, we increasingly have government officials or retired versions of the same demanding -- quite literally -- Snowden’s head and engaging in the usual fear-mongering over 9/11. They have been aided by a chorus of pundits, columnists, and present as well as former officials offering bumper-sticker slogans like "If you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear," all the while claiming our freedom is in direct conflict with our security.

It’s time to face these arguments directly. So here are ten myths about NSA surveillance that need debunking.Let's sort them out.

1) NSA surveillance is legal.
There’s a catch in the issue of legality and the NSA. Few of us can know just what the law is. What happens to you if you shoplift from a store or murder someone in a bar fight? The consequences of such actions are clearly codified and you can look them up. Is it legal to park over there? The rules are on a sign posted right where you'd like to pull in. If a cop tickets you wrongly, you can go to court and use that sign to defend yourself. Yet almost all of the applicable “law,” when it comes to the National Security Agency and its surveillance practices, was secret until Edward Snowden began releasing his documents. Secret interpretations of the shady Patriot Act made in a secret court applied. The fact that an unknown number of legal memos and interpretations of that secret law (themselves still classified) are operative means that we really don’t know what is legal anymore.
The panel of experts appointed by President Obama to review the Snowden revelations and the NSA’s actions had a peek into the issue of “legality” and promptly raised serious questions -- as did one of the two federal courts that recently ruled on some aspects of the issue. If the Obama administration and the Justice Department really believe that all the NSA's activities will be proven legal in a court of law, why not allow them to be tested openly and unambiguously in public? After all, if you've done nothing illegal, then there’s nothing to hide.
When Amnesty International first tried to bring such a question before the courts, the case was denied because that organization couldn’t prove that it had been subject to monitoring -- that was a secret, of course! -- and so was denied standing even to bring the suit. Snowden's revelations seem to have changed all that. The documents made public have given “standing” to a staggering array of individuals, organizations, and countries. For the first time in 12 years, they pave the way for the issue to come to its proper venue in front of the Supremes. Openly. Publicly.
2) If I’ve done nothing wrong, I have nothing to hide. So why should I care about any of this?
Keep in mind that the definition of "wrong" can quickly change. And if you don't know what the actual law really is, how can you say that you know you have done nothing wrong? If you've got nothing to hide, post your social security number and credit card information online, leave your curtains open at night, and see how that sits with you.
In a larger sense, however, the very idea that “I've got nothing to hide” is a distraction. The Fourth Amendment guarantees a right to privacy. The Constitution does not ask if you want or need that right; it grants it to everyone, and demands that the government interfere with it only under specific circumstances.
The Fourth Amendment came into being because of the British use of general warrants in the colonial era. Under that “law,” they could legally search whole groups of people, their possessions, and their papers without having to justify searching any specific person. Called “writs of assistance,” these general warrants allowed the King's agents to search anyone, anytime, regardless of whether they suspected that person of a crime. The writs were most often used by Royal Customs agents (an irony perhaps, given the draconian powers now granted to U.S. Customs agents to search anyone's personal electronics, including those of American citizens, at the border).
The U.S. fought a revolution, and James Madison wrote the Fourth Amendment, against broad government authority to search. Whether you personally do or do not have anything to hide is not even a question that should be on the table. It should be almost un-American to ask it.
3) But the media says the NSA only collects my "phone metadata," so I'm safe.
My older, conservative neighbor quickly insisted that collecting this metadata thing she had heard about on Fox was necessary to protect her from all the terrorists out here in suburbia. She then vehemently disagreed that it was okay for President Obama to know whom she called and when, from where to where and for how long, or for him to know who those people called and when, and so forth.
Think of metadata as the index to all the content the NSA can sweep up. That agency is able to record, say, 24 hours worth of Verizon phone calls. Its operatives can then easily locate any particular call within that huge chunk of metadata. Such basic information can also provide geo-location information to track physical movements. Metadata showing that you called your doctor, followed by metadata about which lab department she called next, followed by a trip to the pharmacy might fall into the “something you want to hide” category. (Actually, using metadata to learn about your medical history may not be even necessary. An exception to the privacy policy of one of America's larger HMOs, Kaiser Permanente, states: "We may also disclose your PHI [personal health information] to authorized federal officials as necessary for national security and intelligence activities." BlueCross BlueShield has a similar exception as do regional medical outfits.)

Metadata is important. Ever play the game “Six Degrees of Separation”? Silly as it seems, almost anyone is indeed just six hops away from anyone else. You know a guy in Detroit who has a friend in California who has a sister who cuts hair whose client is Kevin Bacon's high school classmate's cousin. You and that cousin are connected. Publicly available information tells us that the NSA traces “three hops” from a target: A knows B, C, and D. But once C morphs into a target, C's three hops mean the NSA can poke into E, F, and G, and so forth. The Guardian calculated that if A has 50 friends, the number of targets generated under the three-hop rule would be over 1.3 million people. I really do hope that you (and everyone you know, and they know) have nothing to hide.
4) Aren’t there are already checks and balances in our system to protect us against NSA overreach?
In recent years, the government has treated the king of all checks and balances, the Constitution, like a used Kleenex. The secret Foreign Intelligence and Surveillance Court (FISA) was set up to provide judicial oversight in a classified setting to the intelligence community.  Theoretically, the government is required to make a compelling case for the issuance of orders authorizing electronic and other surveillance, physical searches, and compelled production of business records. Either the government is very good at making its case, or the court has become a rubber stamp: that secret FISA court approved all 1,789 requests submitted to it in 2012.
The Patriot Act elevated a once rarely used tool, the National Security Letter (NSL), into the mainstream of government practice. National Security Letters are an extraordinary search procedure that gives the FBI the power to compel the disclosure of customer records held by banks, telephone companies, Internet service providers, public libraries, and others. These entities are prohibited, or "gagged," from telling anyone about their receipt of the NSL. Though the Justice Department itself cited abuse of the letters by the FBI in 2008, in 2012 the FBI used 15,229 National Security Letters to gather information on Americans. NSLs do not require judicial approval and the built-in gag orders prevent anyone from seeking judicial relief; indeed, most people will never even know that they were the subject of an NSL. And at the moment, the Department of Justice is trying to keep classified an 86-page court opinion that determined the government violated the spirit of federal surveillance laws and engaged in unconstitutional spying.
Director of National Intelligence James Clapper directly lied to that check-and-balance branch of the government, Congress, in a public session. (He later termed his response the “least untruthful” answer.) And we wouldn’t even know that he lied, or much of anything else about the NSA's surveillance activities here or globally, if it weren’t for one man's courage in exposing them. The government had kept it all from us for 12 years and never showed the slightest sign of reconsidering any part of that policy. Without Snowden, we would not even know what needs checking and balancing.
5) But I trust Obama (Bush, the next president) on this. 
I can guess what your opinions are of the people that run the Transportation Safety Administration or the Internal Revenue Service. On what basis, then, can you conclude that the NSA or any other part of the government is any more trustworthy or competent, or any less petty?
While the government does not trust you to know what it does, thanks again to the Snowden revelations, we know that the NSA trusts some foreign governments more than you. The NSA is already sharing at least some data about Americans with, at a minimum, British intelligence and the Israelis. And who knows how those governments use it or whom they share it with downstream?
Do you really trust all of them all the time to never make mistakes or act on personal grudges or political biases? History is clear enough on what former FBI director J. Edgar Hoover did with the personal information he was able to collect on presidents, the Supreme Court, Congressional representatives, Martin Luther King, and others in the Civil Rights movement. Among other things, he used his secretly obtained information to out gay members of government. As for the NSA, so far it hasn’t even been willing to answer the question of whether it’s been spying on, surveilling, or gathering metadata on members of Congress.
Still, let's assume that Obama or the next president or the one after that will never do anything bad with your personal data. Once collected, however, that data potentially exists forever. If the NSA is to be believed, it claims to hold metadata for only five years, though it can keep copies of intercepted communications from or about U.S. citizens indefinitely if the material contains “significant intelligence” or “evidence” of crimes. The NSA can hold on to your encrypted communications as long as is needed to break the encryption. The NSA can also keep indefinitely any information gathered for “cryptanalytic, traffic analysis, or signal exploitation purposes.” Data held is available to whoever can access it in the future, using whatever technologies come to exist. Trusting anyone with such power is foolish. And as for data security, we know of at least one recent instance when more than 1.7 million highly-classified NSA documents just walked out the door.
6) But don't private companies like Facebook already have access to and share a lot of my personal data? So what's wrong with the government having it, too?
While private companies can pass your private information to the government, either willingly or under secret compulsion, there still are some important differences.
At least in theory, it’s your choice to give data to private companies. You could stop using Facebook, after all. You can’t, however, opt out of the NSA. About the worst that Facebook and the others directly want is to take your money and send you spam. While certainly no angel, Facebook can’t arrest you, put you on the No-Fly list with no recourse, seize your property or put you under investigation, audit your finances, imprison you without trial as a terrorist, or order you assassinated by drone. Facebook can't suspend your civil rights; the government can. That is a big, big difference.  And by the way, a proposed solution to the metadata collection problem -- having private companies, not the NSA, hold the data -- is no solution at all.  Data stored and available to NSA analysts, wherever it is, is data stored and available to NSA analysts.
7) All this surveillance is distasteful and maybe even illegal, but isn’t it necessary to keep us safe? Isn’t it for our own good? Haven’t times changed and shouldn’t we acknowledge that?
This isn’t a new argument; it’s Old Reliable. It was the argument that Hoover, Senator Joseph McCarthy, and so many others made to justify the particular acts they chose to endorse to protect us against Communism. The 1976 Church Committee Report, the first and only large-scale review of America's internal spy networks, found that between 1953 and 1973 nearly a quarter of a million first-class letters were opened and photographed in the United States by the CIA. Like the NSA, it was at that time officially forbidden to spy on Americans domestically. It nonetheless produced a computerized index of nearly one and one-half million names. At least 130,000 first class letters were also opened and photographed by the FBI between 1940 and 1966, all to keep us safe and for our own good in changing times. I doubt many people now believe any of that is what kept the Reds at bay.
The same argument was made about the necessity of domestic surveillance during the Vietnam War. Again, from the Church Report, we learned that some 300,000 individuals were indexed in a CIA computer system and that separate files were created on approximately 7,200 Americans and more than 100 domestic groups under the umbrella of Operation MH/CHAOS, designed to ferret out supposed foreign influence on the antiwar movement. Intelligence files on more than 11,000 individuals and groups were created by the Internal Revenue Service between 1969 and 1973 and tax investigations were started on the “basis of political rather than tax criteria.” I doubt many people now believe any of that is what kept the nation from descending into chaos.
The Constitution and the Bill of Rights have matured with our nation, growing to end slavery, enhance the rights of women, and do away with Jim Crow and other immoral laws. The United States survived two world wars, the Cold War, and innumerable challenges without a massive, all-inclusive destruction of civil rights. Any previous diversions -- Abraham Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus during the Civil War is a favorite instance cited -- were short, specific, and reversed or overturned. The Founders created the Bill of Rights to address, point-by-point, the abuses of power they experienced under an oppressive British government. (Look up the never-heard-from-again Third Amendment.) A bunch of angry jihadis, real and imagined, seems a poor reason to change that system.
8) Terrorists are everywhere and dangerous.
From 1776 to 2001 the United States did not experience a terror attack anywhere close to the scale of 9/11; the worst terror attack against the United States as of 9/10, the Oklahoma City bombing, claimed 168 lives compared to some 3,000 at the Twin Towers. Since 9/11 we have not had a comparable mass-scale terror attack. No dirty bombs at the Super Bowl, no biochemical nightmares, no suicide bombers in our shopping malls or theme parks. There have been only about 20 domestic terror-related deaths since 9/11. Your chances as an American of being killed by a terrorist (the figures are for the world, not just inside the U.S.) are about 1 in 20 million. The inevitable comparison shows the odds of being struck by lightning at 1 in 5.5 million.  You are, in other words, about four times more likely to be struck by lightning than killed by a terrorist. Most of the “terrorists” arrested in this country post-9/11 have been tragicomic fabrications of the FBI. 9/11 was a one-off, an aberration, so unique that its “success” stunned even Osama bin Laden. It was a single morning of disaster and cannot be the justification for everything the government wishes to do forever after.
9) We've stayed safe. Doesn't that just prove all the government efforts have worked?
No, that's called false causality. There simply is no evidence that it's true, and much to the contrary. It’s the same as believing government efforts have prevented Martian attacks or wild lions in our bedrooms. For one thing, we already know that more NSA spying would not have stopped 9/11; most of the needed information was already held by the U.S. government and was simply not properly shared or acted upon. 9/11 was a policy failure, not a matter of too-little snooping.

Today, however, it remains a straw-man justification for whatever the NSA wants to do, a way of scaring you into accepting anything from the desecration of the Fourth Amendment to taking off our shoes at airport security. But the government uses this argument endlessly to promote what it wants to do.  Even the NSA's talking points recommend their own people say: “I much prefer to be here today explaining these programs, than explaining another 9/11 event that we were not able to prevent.”
At the same time, despite all this intrusion into our lives and the obvious violations of the Fourth Amendment, the system completely missed the Boston bombers, two of the dumbest, least sophisticated bro terrorists on the planet. Since 9/11, we have seen some 364,000 deaths in our schools, workplaces, and homes caused by privately owned firearms, and none of the spying or surveillance identified any of the killers in advance.
Maybe we should simply stop thinking about all this surveillance as a matter of stopping terrorists and start thinking more about what it means to have a metastasized global surveillance system aimed at spying on us all, using a fake argument about the need for 100% security in return for ever more minimal privacy. So much has been justified in these years -- torture, indefinite detention, the Guantanamo penal colony, drone killings, wars, and the use of Special Operations forces as global assassination teams -- by some version of the so-called ticking time bomb scenario. It’s worth getting it through our heads: there has never been an actual ticking time bomb scenario. The bogeyman isn't real. There's no monster hiding under your bed.
10) But doesn’t protecting America come first -- before anything?
What exactly are we protecting from what? If, instead of spending trillions of dollars on spying and domestic surveillance, we had spent that same money on repairing our infrastructure and improving our schools, wouldn't we now have a safer, stronger America? Remember that famously absurd Vietnam War quote from an American officer talking about  brutal attack on Ben Tre, "It became necessary to destroy the town to save it"? How can anyone say we are protecting our liberty and freedom by taking it away?
 
 

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Koch Bros. Huge War Chest for 2014

Koch Fundraising Network Outpaces Rivals in Cash, Complexity

Monday, 06 Jan 2014 12:39 PM
By Melanie Batley
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The extensive network of political action committees and fundraising groups built by Conservative billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch is unrivaled in its fundraising prowess and its legal sophistication designed to protect donor anonymity.

According to The Washington Post, tax filings show that the nonprofit groups backed by the Kochs in the 2012 elections out-raised every other independent group on the right and also trumped the Democrats' national coalition of labor unions.

"It's a very sophisticated and complicated structure," Lloyd Hitoshi Mayer, a University of Notre Dame Law School professor and expert on tax issues of politically active nonprofits, told the Post.

In particular, 17 conservative groups make up the network, each focusing on specific public policy issues ranging from the new healthcare law, federal spending, and environmental regulations, using hard-hitting attack ads, according to the Post. The network also distributes funds to groups whose approach is in keeping with the Koch brothers' libertarian, free-market philosophy.

"Kochs' involvement in political and public policy activities is at the core of fundamental liberties protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution," Koch Industries spokesman Robert Tappan told the Post.

"This type of activity is undertaken by individual donors and organizations on all ends of the political spectrum—on the left, the middle, and the right. In many situations, the law does not compel disclosure of donors to various causes and organizations."

In 2012, the network raised at least $407 million,
a figure based on an analysis of tax returns by The Washington Post and the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonpartisan group that monitors money in politics. The money is generated by significant numbers of donors beyond the Kochs, and the operation is already gearing up for the 2014 midterm elections with new staff hires and attack ads against Obamacare.

Tappan told the Post that "Koch has been targeted repeatedly in the past by the Administration and its allies because of our real (or, in some cases, perceived) beliefs and activities concerning public policy and political issues."

Under proposals announced in November, the IRS may crack down on organizations such as the Kochs' by instituting new rules to limit the scope of nonprofit groups engaged in political activity, particularly those that do not disclose the identity of donors.

Charles Koch has defended the need for structures to protect the anonymity of donors, saying in a 2012 Forbes interview that he has personally suffered from abuse for his political views and activities.

"We get death threats, threats to blow up our facilities, kill our people. We get Anonymous and other groups trying to crash our IT systems. So long as we're in a society like that, where the president attacks us and we get threats from people in Congress, and this is pushed out and becomes part of the culture — that we are evil, so we need to be destroyed, or killed — then why force people to disclose?"

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Monday, January 6, 2014

War on Workers Began in 1970s

A Real Movement of the 99%—

Don’t Look Down

Photo by Brian Sims, Wikimedia

From 1946 through the 1970s, the incomes of Americans grew together. This, of course, does not mean everyone earned the same amount, but it did mean that if the economy grew, everyone’s income grew. That pattern allowed President John F. Kennedy to note in a 1963 speech that “a rising tide lifts all boats.” Since the 1970s, that has not been the case. A rising tide has lifted those at the top 1%, sunk those at the bottom and left the rest adrift in rough seas. President Kennedy used the speech to defend a project some felt was pork barrel politics.

Today, the claim that a growing economy benefits everyone is used to defend tax cuts to corporations—that send America's jobs overseas and shift their profits to tax haven countries—and the top 1%, like corporate CEOs who direct their corporations to borrow money to buy back the company stock to boost the CEO’s bonus for rising stock prices and their personal wealth in stock holdings.

Recent headlines have been dominated by Congressional Republican-led cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and unemployment insurance to longtime unemployed workers. Republicans believe this is a winning strategy because the path to the weird politics of their rise has been to convince those in the middle that it is the 20% at the bottom versus the 80% at the top. They have been reinforced by a prevailing notion that the growth in income inequality is the result of skills differences, with those industrious enough to study hard and get good education being rewarded and those too lazy to study being outpaced by advancing technology.

But the Great Recession affected highly educated and less educated workers. And the failure of young people to gain a foothold in the current job market makes clear that explanation of the world is not true. It certainly does not explain why the real growth in inequality is between the 99% and the 1%.

Friday, January 3, 2014

States Defend Privacy, Not Congress

EFF Looks Back on 2013:                             States, Not Congress, Stepped Up To Protect Individuals’ Privacy

 Electronic Frontier Foundation
January 2, 2014 | By Hanni Fakhoury

As the outcry against NSA spying and electronic surveillance has grown, the need to protect privacy through legislation has never been higher. With law enforcement itching to use aggressive new surveillance techniques from drones to facial recognition to fight crime, privacy is often discarded by the wayside as collateral damage. Ideally it would be Congress that would take the lead in passing privacy legislation, creating uniform standards that protect privacy across the country. And while there were a number of Congressional proposals, none went anywhere in 2013. So while Congress continues to drag its feet, State courts and Legislatures have stepped up to protect their citizens’ electronic privacy.

This summer, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled, in a case that we filed an amicus brief in, that passengers in a car have an expectation of privacy to be free from persistent GPS location monitoring. Montana and Maine passed legislation that required police to obtain a search warrant before tracking any electronic device. And Texas passed a bill that requires state law enforcement to obtain a search warrant before accessing electronic communications like emails from a service provider.

As States placed an emphasis on protecting privacy, we (EFF.org) stepped up our efforts to get involved at the State level. We filed numerous amicus briefs in state courts across the country on a whole host of privacy issues. We argued to the Supreme Courts of Rhode Island and Washington that your text messages stored on someone else’s cell phone were protected by the Fourth Amendment.

We urged courts in Connecticut and Massachusetts to follow New Jersey’s lead, and require police to obtain a search warrant before getting cell phone tower information.

We explained to the Texas high court that unlike a pair of pants, police can’t search an arrestee’s cell phone without a warrant.

And again before the Massachusetts high court, we explained why the Fifth Amendment prohibited a suspect from being forced to decrypt a computer.

We got involved in State legislation too, sponsoring an email privacy bill in California that passed the legislature, but was vetoed by Governor Jerry Brown.

We also opposed a Massachusetts bill that aimed to expand the State’s wiretapping statute.

Early indication suggests 2014 will see more States getting involved to pass privacy legislation. Wisconsin is considering a location privacy bill that would prohibit police tracking a cell phone without a search warrant. Lawmakers in Montana are planning to introduce an initiative to amend the State constitution to protect digital privacy. And we’ll be there too, working to convince State courts and Legislatures to make privacy conscious decisions, in addition to our Federal work.

Hopefully 2014 will be the year Congress catches up to the States.