Sunday, April 14, 2013

1% Corp Criminals Create Tax Laws to Pay NO TAX


Ten Ways the Wealthy Dodge Taxes

Mitt Romney.Mitt Romney. (Photo: Gage Skidmore / Flickr)How Mitt Romney stashed millions in a tax-free IRA, and other mysteries.
Have you read about the billionaire who pays a lower income tax rate than his secretary and gives advice for how much income tax other people ought to pay? You might want to ask: “How does he do it? ”
We don’t know the complete answer to that question. No doubt, only his army of tax advisers does. What we’d instead like to share are 10 ways the current tax code allows the rich to accumulate vast fortunes, subject to little or no tax. And, unlike the offshore account tax fraud that gets so much press and regulatory attention, many of the most egregious tax avoidance scams are perfectly legal.    
1. No income means no tax. Imagine two men living in the same town. Joe owns an oil exploration corporation. Pete, a geologist, works for Joe. Pete finds oil, billions of dollars worth, and when he does, Joe gives him a $1 million bonus.
Pete pays income taxes on $1 million and keeps looking for oil. Joe, the boss is now a billionaire. Although he has not sold any oil yet, the bank lends him money against the find and he builds a mansion, buys a nice car and lives it up. Even though Joe has become richer by billions of dollars, he pays no income tax. Why? He has no income.
This simple example illustrates an important point: The biggest income tax loophole is the definition of income. For most people, what counts as income is simple to see—it’s their salary, and maybe, if they’re lucky, a bonus. Yet for the very wealthy, salary is trivial—if they earn one at all. That’s not where their riches come from. Instead, their money comes from “carried interest” (which we’ll explain more fully below) and from the appreciation of their ownership interests in stock, real estate and other assets. Every year, Forbes and other magazines show how the wealth of hundreds of individuals increases by hundreds of millions from one year to the next. As long as this increase is not defined as income, no income tax is due.
And, surprise, surprise: all these things are effectively taxed, if at all, at a much lower rate than the income tax rates that apply to simple salaries and bonuses. It gets even better: increases in the value of shares of stock, and of real estate, aren’t taxed until sold and if never sold, may never be taxed. What about estate tax, you say? After all, it used to be said, “The only things that are certain are death, and taxes.” But now, with good ”advice,” that’s no longer true. Stick with us and we’ll explain how.
2. Why investment managers pay lower tax rates than their secretaries. Some of the wealthiest people in America manage hedge funds, private equity funds, or real estate partnerships, and typically, these investment managers receive a very small salary, relative to their total compensation. But don’t feel too sorry for them—they’re not working for free. Instead, most of their compensation comes in the form of a share of the fund or project they manage. This ownership share is called a “carried interest.” And currently, it’s usually taxed as a capital gain instead of ordinary income.    
Okay, why does this matter, and what does it mean in plain English? It means that when the manager’s tax bill comes due, he owes the federal government 20 percent in taxes-- the current tax rate on long-term capital gains-- rather than the 39.6 percent rate that applies to ordinary income. This dodge halves his effective tax rate on these earnings. It’s just this loophole that Mitt Romney used to pay less than 15 percent— based on the legal capital gains tax rate at the time—on the millions he cleared while head of Bain Capital. This compares to the nearly 40 percent in federal income tax that a top surgeon, or anyone else whose earnings are defined as ordinary income, pays on his money.
Congress has been trying to eliminate this loophole since 2007, but every time they get close to a fix, lobbyists beat them back. After all, no one likes to pay more taxes. But some of us pay more than the favored few.
3. How tax delayed can become tax never paid.Taxes on the appreciation of assets—the value of a company, a stock portfolio, or the increase in real estate held for investment purposes—qualify as capital gains, rather than ordinary income. We’ve already seen the big advantage of calling something a capital gain: it’s taxed at a lower rate.
There’s another benefit to how the tax code treats these assets: no tax is due on the increase in the value of these assets until their owner sells them to realize the proceeds. That means, no matter how much one’s wealth increases on paper, one doesn’t need to pay the government a dime in income tax until the property—whether real estate or paper assets -- is sold.  
Let’s go back to our simple example of the oil entrepreneur. What if he never sells his oil property? No tax is due. He just keeps spending money he’s borrowed against his holdings. Or suppose he trades one piece of real estate for another? Under like kind exchange rules there would also be no tax due, no matter how much the pieces of property are worth. Compare this to how the tax code treats the ordinary married couple who’ve done well with a home purchase, and has to pay capital gains tax on any gain of more than $500,000. Although this might sound like a lot of money, many retirees who live in places where real estate’s expensive have to pay such taxes. They cannot get exclusions for millions and billions. They must pay the tax that’s due.
Suppose the billionaire bequeaths his billions to his spouse. Spouses can receive unlimited bequests without estate taxes, and better still, the value for tax purposes is “stepped up” at death so that if everything is sold to realize the gains, no income tax is due as there is no capital gain. The “cost” of the billions was redefined to be value at death.
The current US income tax system doesn’t impose taxes on wealth. Nor is much appreciation in assets such as stocks and real estate ever taxed by the estate tax system. The result: tax delayed can become tax never paid.
4. The charity scam. Another way the wealthy avoid paying taxes on their billions is to make charitable donations. If you donate property, you never have to pay income tax on that donation, whatever it costs you and how much it’s worth right now. Well you might say, at least someone benefits from the charity. Whether or not the charitable donation is a scam in whole or in part depends on the answer to that old question: qui bono? Aka, who benefits? That’s where the real scam takes place.
And there’s no legal requirement that a charity must spend its wealth. In fact, IRS rules require only that charities spend about 5 percent of their investment assets annually, and all or part of this amount can be spent on salaries and “expenses,” rather than devoted to the charitable purpose the charity purports to be serving. So, what happens with a charitable trust, set up by a billionaire, and controlled by one of the billionaire’s children? The child gets a job and a salary for life. Maybe a mansion to live in and entertain in as a fringe benefit. This is a great gig for the heir.
What about the taxes due? No income tax is due on the money the parent donated to set up the charity—even though the parent may have made the charitable donation so as not to pay any tax on an appreciated asset.  
Similarly, no estate tax is due on this donation, ever. And all the money donated to the charity is protected from divorce, or any creditors because even though the donor’s heir controls the charity, the law says that heir does not “own” the trust.
The non-profit sector is a very big tent. It houses genuine do-gooding institutions that contribute to society by deploying resources to improve public health, reduce poverty, and improve the environment. But charitable trusts that just go through the motions so that the lion’s share of benefits is realized by a donor and heirs are also allowed inside. And other types of distortion are rampant, such as charities that promote a certain worldview or political philosophy, often cloaked in some form of intellectual or educational rhetoric.
Bill Gates and Warren Buffett got lots of great press in 2010, when they launched the Giving Pledge, committing America’s wealthiest to giving away half their wealth to charity. Since then lots of big names— Michael Bloomberg, Larry Ellison, Carl Icahn, George Lucas, Michael Milken, Peter Peterson, Ted Turner, Mark Zuckerberg-- have all signed on. Sounds great—so philanthropic. Would it be churlish under the circumstances to ask for more details?
5. What is an expense? Those damn Yankees. Our main focus is on personal income taxes. But we can’t resist taking a few swipes at corporate income tax rules, especially since these largely benefit rich people.
One way to lower taxes is by claiming offsetting expenses. When you go to a baseball game, who rents all those expensive skyboxes? Almost always it’s a corporation. The most expensive restaurants are called expense account restaurants because businesses foot the bill for these meals, and individuals who dine out on the corporate dime aren’t taxed on these benefits. After all, they’re working while they devour vintage wines, eat foie gras, and if they’re lucky, catch foul balls.
Of course, there is a limit on how much even pigs can eat. The real tax-free compensation comes from corporate limos, corporate jets, corporate chefs, corporate apartments, and even corporate barbers. Not everyone gets a chance to enjoy these freebies, which are in fact largely limited to the 1 percent at the top of the corporate food chain.
So, you cannot deduct the interest payments for the used car you need to get to work, since the tax code says your car isn’t a business expense.  Nor can you deduct the price of your daily subway or bus ride to go to and from the office. But you can bet that the Goldman Sachs banker who works late, pays nothing for his free ride home in a corporate limo. That’s considered a business expense for Goldman, and is allowed as a deduction on its corporate tax return. And if you’re a fat cat who rides in a Gulfstream, even better. A corporate jet trip for the offsite meeting in the Caribbean followed by a few rounds of golf is also a perfectly legal tax deduction. Some companies even insist that their CEOs use corporate jets for all their trips, even vacations. Why? “Security,” they say. It wouldn’t do for these folks to have to stand in line with the rest of us, and remove shoes, surrender Swiss Army knives, and discard oversize shampoo bottles before they’re allowed to board an airplane.
Good record keeping is all it takes to avoid taxes on what some would say should be treated as untaxed compensation.
6. Catch me if you can. All rules are subject to interpretation. Is this starting to sound familiar? Many tax shelters are created to reduce income or delay the recognition of income by redefining it as something else or offsetting it with cash or non-cash expenses such as depreciation. The way U.S. tax law works is that if the IRS or a court hasn’t said a tax shelter is illegal, you’re free to try it. If you’re caught, the worst that will happen is that you’ll have to pay taxes due, plus interest and perhaps some penalties. And that only happens if you’re caught. The IRS and state tax authorities have no idea of what interpretation is being used—no matter how ridiculous--  unless it is discovered in an audit. Now, how likely is that? Currently, about 1 percent of tax returns are audited in any one year. Even when they occur, audits are seldom all encompassing. Many creative interpretations go unnoticed for years.
Other countries follow more sensible rules. They require prior approval of creative tax code interpretations. So, in other words, it’s not legal to follow a certain tax strategy unless the tax authorities declare, upfront, that it is. Such a policy discourages the most aggressive tax avoiders from pushing their luck, and places all tax players on a level playing field. Our system instead encourages companies and individuals to pioneer the most creative tax minimization strategies. Do we really want to be a world leader in such activity?
7. He who pays the piper calls the tune: corporate welfare. Currently, 17,500 registered tax lobbyists work overtime to pack the U.S. tax code with special interest benefits. Big agri, ethanol producers, mine owners, clean energy companies—all line up to demand special tax concessions. Some of them might seem to make sense: allowing drug companies to deduct the costs of research and development into the next big drug blockbuster. But even when they do seem to make sense, there’s a big overall cost to the economy of all these tax breaks. They distort economic activity, moving it away from profit-seeking endeavors to where the biggest tax concessions may flow.
A second serious concern is how these tax concessions worsen inequality: how many of those lobbyists do you suppose work on behalf of the ordinary U.S. taxpayer, the two-income family working hard to make ends meet? And when it comes time to draft a new tax law to squeeze out a bit more revenue, where do you think it comes from: the rich whose interests are well-represented in Washington, or the rest of us?
8. You get what you pay for. If you think this discussion is impossibly convoluted and complex and wonder why, you have no further to look than the experts. Our tax preparation and avoidance industry is massive. It bills by the hour. The more complex the tax code, the more complex the avoidance vehicles, the more billable hours. Therefore it’s no accident that the U.S. income tax code, when last we checked, is now nearly 74,000 pages long. More than 1.2 million people are employed as tax preparers—more than the number of police and firefighters combined, according to Face the Facts, a nonpartisan project of George Washington University-- and about 3 million people are involved in ensuring “compliance” with the tax code, including 90,000 IRS employees. Those who can afford it can hire the most astute experts, whose stock in trade is interpreting and defining the tax code to their best advantage. Remember Leona Helmsley? “Only the little people pay taxes.” Leona, you may recall, did do time for tax fraud, but for those who aren’t quite in the Queen of Mean’s class, and get competent advice, there’s usually no penalty.
9. Sorry, your fishing boat doesn’t count: it has to be a yacht. Our income tax system purports to be progressive. Yet one of the biggest tax breaks, the mortgage interest deduction, is anything but. This deduction allows homeowners to deduct mortgage interest payments on both a principal residence and one vacation property to reduce their income taxes due. But if you’re a renter, no such luck: someone making minimum wage cannot deduct his rent payment.
If you’re rich enough to afford a yacht, it’s another story. So long as it contains a built-in galley, an installed toilet, and a sleeping berth—no fishing boats, please-- you’re entitled to a tax deduction on the interest you pay to finance this “vacation property."
Most other countries, by the way, don’t subsidize home ownership in the same way via the tax code. And it’s worth mentioning that some of these countries—such as Australia, Canada, France, and Germany— have not seen the same vicious boom-bust real estate cycle that we have.
10. Individual Retirement Accounts (IRAs): $21 million makes a nice nest egg.Congress has set up various programs that allow people to fund retirement accounts that accumulate, tax-free, until these savings are tapped to fund someone’s retirement. Regular IRAs allow a person to contribute money, on a “pre-tax basis.” No tax is due on the money when it’s earned, so long as it’s placed in an IRA account. Nor is any tax due on interest or dividends earned, or the increase in the value of the investment. Income tax is only due when sums are withdrawn, after a person hits retirement age, and if a person dies before he withdraws his money, this money isn’t subject to estate tax.
The maximum IRA contribution limit is $5500 annually (rising to $6500 for those over 50). Similarly, many Americans participate in 401(k) plans offered by their employers. With these plans, the maximum annual contribution is $17,500 (increasing to $23,000, for those over 50). Finally, certain types of pension plans—used by law firm partnerships, consulting firms, joint medical practices, and sole proprietors—allow individuals to contribute as much as $50,000 to a retirement plan, under similar tax-advantaged conditions.
So, we wonder, with such clear contribution limits in place, how did Mitt Romney end up with between $21 million and $102 million in a tax-free retirement account, as he himself reported in his tax returns?
If Mitt contributed the current annual maximum donation -- $50,000 -- for 20 years, he’d only end up with a contribution of $1 million. Where did the rest of the money come from? It must be from the returns he earned on his investment. As the rest of us know when we look at our 401(k) statements, it’s, ahem, extremely unusual -- some would say next to impossible-- for an investment to increase by 20 times, or 100 times, even if we hold it for 20 years. These wonderful returns could be the result of good fortune, but more likely are the result of the best tax advice, with Mitt’s IRA able to invest on favored terms not available to anyone else. 
The only reason we know about Mitt’s spectacular run of luck with his IRA is that he was forced to disclose his income tax returns when he decided to run for president. How many other 1 percenters, we wonder, have also been similarly lucky with their retirement plans?
The solution to America’s retirement crisis might be to give Mitt a job as retirement czar, showing the rest of us how we can earn similar stunning rates of return on our retirement savings. This could be a bipartisan initiative, with newly unemployed Hilary Clinton chipping in expertise on how to trade cattle futures.


Tuesday, April 9, 2013

Cal Fed JUDGE Rules Down FRACKING

Court Victory for Opponents of Fracking in California
Judge Rules Federal Agency Failed to Address Fracking Risks in
Auctioning Off Monterey County Public Lands
SAN JOSE, Calif.— Today, a federal judge has ruled that the Obama Administration violated the law when it issued oil leases in Monterey County, Calif., without considering the environmental impacts of hydraulic fracturing, also known as fracking. The ruling came in response to a suit brought by the Center for Biological Diversity and the Sierra Club, challenging a September 2011 decision by the federal Bureau of Land Management (BLM) to auction off about 2,500 acres of land in southern Monterey County to oil companies.
“This important decision recognizes that fracking poses new, unique risks to California’s air, water and wildlife that government agencies can’t ignore,” said Brendan Cummings, senior counsel at the Center, who argued the case for the plaintiffs. “This is a watershed moment — the first court opinion to find a federal lease sale invalid for failing to address the monumental dangers of fracking.”
Fracking employs huge volumes of water mixed with sand and toxic chemicals to blast open rock formations and extract oil and gas. The controversial technique is already being used in hundreds — perhaps thousands — of California oil and gas wells. Oil companies are aggressively trying to frack the Monterey Shale, which stretches from the northern San Joaquin Valley into Los Angeles County, and west to the coast. Extracting this oil will certainly require more fracking in California.
"Fracking for oil and gas is inherently a dirty and dangerous process that decimates entire landscapes,” said Michael Brune, Executor Director of the Sierra Club. "We know without a doubt that fracking will lead to increased use of fossil fuels at a time when we should be doing everything we can to keep dirty fuels in the ground and doubling down on clean energy."
Fracking, whether for oil or natural gas, has been tied to water and air pollution in other states, and releases huge quantities of methane, a dangerously potent greenhouse gas. Increased fracking threatens to unlock vast reserves of previously inaccessible fossil-fuel deposits that would contribute to global warming and bring us closer to climate disaster.
Fracking also routinely employs numerous toxic chemicals, including methanol, benzene and trimenthylbenzene. A recent study from the Colorado School of Public Health found that fracking contributes to serious neurological and respiratory problems in people living near fracked wells, while putting them at higher risk of cancer at the same time.
“In an era of dangerous climate change, the Obama administration should not sell off our public lands to be fracked for fossil fuel development that will only speed up global warming,” added Cummings. “We hope this court ruling acts as a wake-up call that steers the federal government away from sacrificing California’s public lands for dangerous oil development.”
The court has asked for a joint recommendation on next steps in the case. The Center and the Sierra Club believe the lease sale should be set aside. At a minimum, no drilling or fracking on the leases will be allowed before the completion of thorough analysis of the environmental risks.
The Center for Biological Diversity is a national, nonprofit conservation organization with more than 500,000 members and online activists dedicated to the protection of endangered species and wild places.
The Sierra Club is America’s largest and most influential grassroots environmental organization with more than 2.1 million members and supporters nationwide.

For Immediate Release, April 8, 2013
Contact: 


Sunday, March 31, 2013

Bank Crimes Never Come to Justice


21 jaw-dropping crimes committed by Wall Street banks

Some will rob you with a six-gun,
some with a fountain pen.
Or a credit default swap.
Here is a selection of crimes by banks that have gone pretty much unpunished. Oh, the banks did pay to settle prosecutors' charges, but that amounted to a cost of doing business. The person who should have prosecuted the banks for their crimes just left the U.S. Department of Justice for a $4 million-a-year job at a lobbying firm.

And because the banks weren't prosecuted, they've gotten too big to prosecute. The crime spree continues.

Here, then, is a sampling of ways the criminal enterprises known as banks are destroying America. (Hat tip to Washingtons Blog andThe Daily Beast.)

  1. Charging illegal mortgage fees to about a million military veterans.
  2. Stealing billions from U.S. taxpayers by illegally manipulating interest rates
  3. Charging millions in storage fees to store gold bullion without buying or storing any gold
  4. Cheating homeowners from the government help they were entitled to by pretending to lose homeowners' documents, failing to credit payments and lying to them.
  5. Laundering money for terrorists.
  6. Stealing money from companies by diverting cash to the CEO(i.e., bribery) during initial public offerings. 
  7. Forging foreclosure documents in order to evict people from their homes.
  8. Stealing from pension funds by charging for phony transactions.
  9. Stealing hundreds of millions of dollars from taxpayers byrigging bids for bond issues.
  10. Bribing credit rating agencies for higher ratings.
  11. Systematically evading payment of fees to local governments, forcing them to cut services or raise taxes.
  12. Cheating pension funds of hundreds of millions of dollars bytelling them crap products were solid investments and then making money by betting against the crap products. 
  13. Kicking 54 military families out of their homes (it's illegal).
  14. Abetting Bernie Madoff's fraud and then withholding evidence from prosecutors. 
  15. Lying to investors about a complex securities transaction.
  16. Overcharging 10,000 military families for their mortgages. 
  17. Stealing millions from homeowners by adding credit insurance to their loans without telling them.  
  18. Defrauding investors by selling them investments designed to fail and then betting on their failure. 
  19. Lying to pension funds and other investors about the financial problems of a pending acquisition. While the pension funds lost money, the CEO got a $64 million retirement package.
  20. Manipulating the oil market to raise prices.
  21. Conspiring with Greece to hide its debt and then betting that Greece couldn't repay the debt.
And guess what. There's more.

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

NRLB Grinded to 1900


Labor Law Loses Its Watchdog As NLRB Grinds To A Halt
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Labor Law Loses Its Watchdog As NLRB Grinds To A Halt
http://inthesetimes.com/article/14785/labor_law_loses_its_watchdog/
WEB ONLY// FEATURES » MARCH 26, 2013
Labor Law Loses Its Watchdog
Employers are waking up to the fact that they are no longer required to follow the NLRB’s orders.
BY BRUCE VAIL
Because of the Canning decision, Rhinehart explains, any employer can now go to a federal appeals court and be granted an indefinite delay in enforcement of any NLRB action taken in the last 14 months.

The day-to-day application of key federal protections for workers’ collective bargaining rights is becoming paralyzed, say legal experts and union organizers, as employers across the country realize that a recent federal court decision effectively allows them to ignore the enforcement of the landmark National Labor Relations Act.

The implementation of the New Deal-era law—which protects the right of most workers in private industry to form unions and negotiate collectively with employers—is reported to be slowly grinding to a halt as result of a January 25 court decision in Noel Canning v. NLRB [PDF]. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia ruled that President Barack Obama improperly employed the recess appointments clause of the constitution to name new members of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). This means, in effect, that almost 800 NLRB actions taken since the January 2012 recess appointments are unenforceable and that the current board is powerless to implement new orders. Or, as former NLRB Chairman William B. Gould IV tells In These Times: “Compliance with NLRB enforcement is voluntary for employers at this point.”

“There is plenty of evidence that it is having a huge impact on the ground,” says Lynn Rhinehart, co-general counsel of the AFL-CIO. She describes the decision’s effect on union organizing campaigns across the country as “deep and problematic.”

Because of the Canning decision, Rhinehart explains, any employer can now go to a federal appeals court and be granted an indefinite delay in enforcement of any NLRB action taken in the last 14 months. More than 60 employers have filed such cases since the January 25 decision, NLRB spokesperson Nancy Cleeland confirms, and more are expected. All of these cases are officially being held in abeyance pending U.S. Supreme Court action to either affirm or overturn the Canning ruling. That could take up to a year, Cleeland estimates.

Many employers aren’t bothering to formally request delays, but simply ignoring the NLRB rulings that remain in legal limbo. A March 23 story in the Huffington Post details how West Virginia union members mistreated at the hands of anti-union coal operators must now wait indefinitely to see their jobs and backpay restored. Similarly, some Connecticut nursing home workers are being deprived of their legal wages and benefits, says Deborah Chernoff, a spokesperson for the New England division of the healthcare workers union 1199SEIU. In a case notable for both its bitterness and complexity, strikers at five nursing homes operated by HealthBridge are back at work, but not at the compensation levels ordered by the NLRB last year. Instead, they are receiving lower wages and reduced benefits ordered by a bankruptcy judge, and the NLRB is powerless to enforce its order or challenge the bankruptcy court's decision, Chernoff says.

Meanwhile, the decision has stopped some organizing campaigns in their tracks. Ann Twomey, president of the New Jersey-based Health Professionals and Allied Employees union, says that about 200 nurses fighting for a union at Memorial Hospital of Salem County are “on hold” because of the legal uncertainty at the NLRB. The employer—notoriously anti-union Community Health Systems (CHS)—is stalling talks toward a first contract, despite the union’s 2010 victory in a representation election, Twomey says. Normally in such a case, the union could call on the NLRB to order the employer to the negotiating table. But that’s not an option until the legal authority of the NLRB is re-asserted, says Twomey. “The nurses are functioning as a union and are doing their best,” she says, “But they don’t have a contract, and there isn’t a way forward” without the NLRB.

Resolution of outstanding legal issues in older cases is even affected, says Michael Beranbaum, organizing director of Washington state-based Teamsters Joint Council 28. A Teamsters strike against Oak Harbor Freight Lines in 2008 created legal issues around pensions and healthcare benefits, he tells In These Times, but resolution is being further stalled because the trucking company went to federal court seeking new delays under the Canning decision. “This is an example of the pitiful mess in Washington, D.C.,” resulting from Republican Party obstruction of President Obama’s legitimate appointment powers, he says.

According to a March 11 story in the Wall Street Journal, high-profile employers such as Starbucks, Time Warner, Laboratory Corporation of America Holdings, Domino’s Pizza and McDonald's are entering the courts in efforts to hamper the actions of the NLRB. In addition to requests for enforcement delays, cases have been filed as a preemptive step to discourage NLRB involvement in workplace disputes at those companies, the newspaper reports.

A common element in many of these cases is that employers are being aided and abetted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, according to Rhinehart and other worker advocates. The Chamber assisted the managers of the Noel Canning Corp. in advancing their court case and the Chamber’s Litigation Center is currently maintaining a Web-based “resource page” for employers to coordinate action against the NLRB. The Chamber is also said to be mobilizing Republican members of the Senate to prevent the confirmation of any new NLRB appointees in its ongoing efforts to immobilize the board, Rhinehart indicates.

“It looks like they [the NLRB] are just out of business for the next nine months, at least,” says former NLRB chairman Gould, who teaches at Stanford Law School and is the author of Labored Relations: Law, Politics, and the NLRB–A Memoir. “It will take at least that long for the Supreme Court to act,” he says, and an anti-union ruling could very well create even more delay and confusion.

“They [the NLRB] are trying to march right along, issuing new decisions and acting as if the D.C. Circuit Court will inevitably be overturned, but employers don’t see it that way at all,” Gould says. “I can tell you right here in the Bay Area that NLRB subpoenas are not being enforced. Employers are just refusing to honor their subpoenas.”

NLRB’s Cleeland confirms Gould’s report about the agency’s subpoenas. “We’ve seen challenges at every level” of the legal process, she says.

Gould says the current situation is reminiscent of the first two years following the 1935 enactment of the original law, also known as the Wagner Act (after its chief sponsor Sen. Robert Wagner, D-N.Y.). Employers actively resisted the new law on a large scale, Gould says, and many refused to cooperate in any way until the Supreme Court ruled on its validity.

“Back in those days there was something called the Liberty League that cheered the employers on. The Chamber of Commerce is playing that role today,” Gould says. “So this is not new. Their antipathy to labor law and to the NLRB is longstanding. The only thing that’s new is that they [NLRB opponents] are sitting pretty ….They don’t have to do anything” to comply with the Wagner Act until the Supreme Court clarifies the situation.

Not all union organizing is affected by the Chamber of Commerce’s efforts to neuter the NLRB. For example, railroad and airline workers are not covered by the Wagner Act, and campaigns in those sectors are going forward unaffected because they are under the aegis of the separate National Mediation Board. Likewise, public sector employees are not covered by the 1935 law, so the Canning decision does not impact their union initiatives at local, state and federal levels.

AFL-CIO’s Rhinehart says the mess at the NLRB could best be cleared up if the U.S. Senate simply confirmed the new NLRB nominations submitted this year by the Obama Administration. A new board could then re-certify the decisions already made and return to work as normal, she says. But that doesn’t seem likely anytime soon, Rhinehart reluctantly concedes, and thus some action by the Supreme Court seems required to get labor law back on track. Until then, it appears that the Chamber of Commerce has succeeded in effectively preventing the NLRB from doing its job.

Wednesday, March 20, 2013

USW, Mondragon Co-op from Spain

Why Unions Are Going Into

the Co-op Business?

 

Why Unions Are Going Into the Co-op Business
 
The steelworkers deal that could turn the rust belt green.

“Too often we have seen Wall Street hollow out companies by draining their cash and assets and hollow out communities by shedding jobs and shuttering plants,” said United Steelworkers (USW) President Leo Gerard in 2009. “We need a new business model that invests in workers and invests in communities.”

Gerard was announcing a formal partnership between his 1.2-million-member Union and Mondragon, a cluster of cooperatives in the Basque region of Spain.

Mondragon employs 83,000 workers in 256 companies. About half of those companies are cooperatives, and about a third of Mondragon’s employees are co-op members with an ownership stake in their workplace. Mondragon companies do everything from manufacturing industrial machine parts to making pressure cookers and home appliances to running a bank and a chain of supermarkets. With billions of Euros in annual sales, Mondragon is the largest industrial conglomerate in the Basque region and the fifth-largest in Spain.

The cooperatives use workers’ cash investments as part of the capital needed to finance new projects, and worker-owner co-op members get to vote on strategy, management, and business planning. The highest-paid managers’ salaries are capped at six to eight times what the lowest-paid workers make—as opposed to the United States, where CEOs now make 380 times more than the average worker.

Building union co-ops

As manufacturing in the United States continues in free fall, the USW is working to bring the Mondragon cooperative model to the Rust Belt. It aims to use employee-run businesses to create new, middle-class jobs to replace union work that has gone overseas.

A March 2012 report from the USW, Mondragon, and the Ohio Employee Ownership Center (OEOC), lays out a template for how “union co-ops” can function. “A union co-op is a unionized worker-owned cooperative in which worker-owners all own an equal share of the business and have an equal vote in overseeing the business,” the report states.

But how do union co-ops differ from traditional worker-owned co-ops? The report explains that the key difference is that workers in a union co-op can appoint a management team (from within their own ranks or from outside the co-op) and then bargain collectively with management. The resulting collective bargaining agreements can set wage rates for all the co-op’s jobs, choose health care and other benefit packages, decide how workers will earn time off, and determine a process for grievances and arbitration of workplace disputes.

In addition to producing the union co-op template, the USW has worked to get pilot cooperatives started in the United States. The union has carefully examined the Evergreen Cooperatives, which were started in Cleveland in 2009 with a blend of foundation money, public funds, and private investment capital. Drawing from Mondragon’s principles of shared prosperity for workers and democratic governance, Evergreen launched a commercial laundry that now cleans more than four million pounds of laundry per year and employs 30 people. It also has plans for a solar installers’ cooperative and a greenhouse that grows high-end salad greens and herbs for the Cleveland Clinic, as well as universities and restaurants. The example was an important one for the USW’s pilot projects, suggesting a blueprint to keep jobs local, tie new businesses to existing city institutions, and give workers a voice in company operations.

OEOC Director Bill McIntyre worked with the Cleveland Foundation on crafting the organizational framework for the Evergreen Cooperatives. At a March 2012 press event at United Steelworkers headquarters, he observed that employee-owners more often kept their jobs during the recent economic meltdown. “Employee-owned companies,” he said, “have more stable, loyal, and experienced work forces, which translates into real cost savings, productivity, and quality advantages.”

Reviving a Pittsburgh laundry

A group of unions, including the USW, is helping to launch the Pittsburgh Clean and Green Laundry Cooperative, a new industrial laundry. Several years ago, a local laundry closed, leaving more than 100 people without work. Together with the USW, the workers began exploring the idea of creating a cooperative to take over the business. The union has now completed a feasibility study for the business and is lining up commitments from clients such as local hospitals and clinics. A full laundry plant is scheduled to be up and running soon, thanks in part to the support of the Steel Valley Authority (SVA)—Pennsylvania’s publicly funded initiative for saving and creating industrial jobs—and other local foundations.

“Right now, several of the larger hospitals are sending their laundry out pretty far to get it done, so [going local] makes sense cost-wise, and it makes sense green-wise,” says Rob Witherell, the USW’s cooperative organizer and strategist.

“The intent is that the folks who worked at the previous laundry would be the first to join as worker-owners,” Witherell adds.

Under the union-cooperative model, the laundry’s employees would be able to join the union of their choice, and the jobs offered at the plant would provide a living wage, benefits, and a collective bargaining agreement. As worker-owners, the employees would also gain equity in the business.

“The way it works in Cleveland is the folks working at the laundry—if they’re to become owners—have their initial ownership investment financed by the company,” explains Witherell. “Fifty cents an hour is deducted from their wages for a period of three years, until they have met the requirements for ownership.”

Worker-owners vote on decisions about the management of the company. And, as in Mondragon, a share of profits is added to the ownership accounts, so that long-term workers can retire or leave the company having accrued a significant stake. “In Cleveland, they’ve done the math, and they’ve figured out that in eight years—if they meet their business targets, which they have so far—those folks will each have $65,000 in their ownership accounts,” Witherell says.

For the SVA, the model is one it hopes to spread further: It has announced a goal of establishing a technical assistance center and a revolving loan fund to help worker groups that want to use the Mondragon model.

Cooperative harvest in Cincinnati

In the past year, the USW has supported work to create the Cincinnati Union Cooperative Initiative (CUCI). CUCI has two projects in the pipeline: a railway manufacturing co-op and a cooperative for retrofitting buildings for energy efficiency. A third project, already in operation, pairs commitment to food sustainability with a worker-ownership model in the Our Harvest cooperative.

Our Harvest is a “food hub” that will allow institutions in the metropolitan region—such as universities, hospitals, and hotels—to buy produce that is grown, harvested, and packaged by worker-owners. Currently, says CUCI President Kristen Barker, the nascent project has an incubator farm for training farmers and food production workers, with two apprentice farmers, a mentor farmer, and three part-time support staff.

The apprentices, who are cardholding members of the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW), are learning farming and production methods from the mentor farmer and are running a community-supported agriculture (CSA) business from the incubator farm in the heart of Cincinnati. The CSA currently serves 60 residential customers, plus three restaurants and three retail locations.

Our Harvest grows its food on a 30-acre farm in an urban neighborhood. “It’s amazing that that exists,” says Barker. “We’re interested in being on bus lines,” says Barker, pointing out that the co-op considers making jobs accessible by public transit to be part of a sustainable, fair approach to job creation.

In order to serve the large institutions Our Harvest hopes to make the mainstay of its operation, the farm has to expand. “We need to get to 1,000 acres’ worth of production,” Barker says. “To get up to 1,000 requires a ton of skill, and a lot of land.”

CUCI isn’t going it alone in the effort to expand Our Harvest. The Ohio State Cooperative Development Center is doing a study of how Our Harvest can scale up to the 1,000-acre mark. Efforts are under way to house an expanded apprenticeship program at a local community college. And Mondragon is working closely with CUCI to firm up Our Harvest’s structures and locate additional financing.

Co-op strengths and limitations

The “union co-op” model imports some of Mondragon’s structural innovations to the American economy: most importantly, it gives workers a say in the direction of the business as well as in their own pay and working conditions. It remains to be seen exactly how workers’ voices will be heard through the union co-ops’ collective bargaining processes, but it will likely have some of the flavor of worker empowerment already in effect at Mondragon.

Michael Peck, the North American delegate for Mondragon, describes the type of decisions employees make within Mondragon’s worker-owner structure: “They vote to lower their salary, they vote to raise their salary, they vote to make sacrifices, they vote to reward themselves if the situation calls,” he says. “They are totally involved, and it’s that kind of participation that produces a successful company that is attuned not only to the marketplace but to itself.”

For the U.S. labor movement, this point is a critical one. A cooperative model places union members firmly in the role of being innovators. It allows the labor movement not only to promote a positive vision of members realizing their best selves in the workplace, but also to provide the skills that will enable people to do that. Therefore, while it may not rebuild labor’s ranks with significant numbers of new union members, this model might do something even more important: Give working people a way to become true stewards of the economy.

But union co-ops don’t address some difficult issues. For instance, they do not directly address the forces of global competition that have been undermining the U.S. manufacturing base. In particular, by adopting NAFTA-model “free trade” agreements, the United States has encouraged corporations to seek out competitive advantage in places with the lowest wages and fewest environmental regulations. At best, co-ops such as the Evergreen co-ops in Cleveland work around this problem by limiting themselves to making goods or providing services that cannot be offshored, like growing heirloom salad greens for local consumption.

When asked about how the model union co-ops might take on the offshoring issue, Peck acknowledged the difficulties, but he also expressed hope. “Now there’s a renewed interest in manufacturing as labor wages rise in developing countries,” he says. Moreover, he believes the recent economic crisis has also expanded public receptivity: “Even in the outer regions of the Midwest, where I spend a lot of time, people know that they’ve been victimized,” Peck says.

“Most people don’t want to be victimized again and they are interested in trying new models.”“At Mondragon, we have a saying: ‘This is not paradise and we are not angels.’ I think that’s important, because there’s a tendency to gush up Mondragon as this perfect ideal in the sky, when it’s not perfect and it’s not in the sky. It’s in factories. it’s in valleys, it’s in making things. But our story has a happier ending because people feel engaged in the process and they see the equality of opportunity, which is missing in more vertical structures.”

Amy Dean wrote this article for How Cooperatives Are Driving the New Economy, the Spring 2013 issue of YES! Magazine. Amy is a fellow of The Century Foundation and principal of ABD Ventures, LLC, a consulting firm that works to develop new organizing strategies for social change organizations. Dean is co-author, with David Reynolds, of A New New Deal: How Regional Activism Will Reshape the American Labor Movement. You can follow her on twitter @amybdean, or she can be reached viaamybdean.com
 

Monday, March 11, 2013

Anti-Trust Laws Suit Wall St Fish Too Fat to Fry

Big Bank Immunity: When Do We Crack Down on Wall Street?      
    By Dean Baker, Truthout | News Analysis  

Attorney General Eric Holder speaks at a news conference at the Justice Department in Washington, Oct. 9, 2012. Holder has told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the Justice Department may have to restrain its prosecutors in dealing with the big banks. (Photo: Luke Sharrett / The New York Times) Attorney General Eric Holder speaks at a news conference at the Justice Department in Washington, Oct. 9, 2012. Holder has told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the Justice Department may have to restrain its prosecutors in dealing with the big banks. (Photo: Luke Sharrett / The New York Times) The Wall Street gang must really be partying these days. Profits and bonuses are as high as ever as these super-rich takers were able to use trillions of dollars of below-market government loans to get themselves through the crisis they created. The rest of the country is still struggling with high unemployment, stagnant wages, underwater mortgages and hollowed-out retirement accounts, but life is good again on Wall Street.
Their world must have gotten even brighter last week when Attorney General Eric Holder told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the Justice Department may have to restrain its prosecutors in dealing with the big banks because it has to consider the possibility that a prosecution could lead
to financial instability.
Not only can the big banks count on taxpayer bailouts when they need them; it turns out that they can share profits with drug dealers with impunity. (The case immediately at hand involved money laundered for a Mexican drug cartel.) And who says that times are bad?

It's hard to know where to begin with this one. First off, we should not assume that just because the Justice Department says it is concerned about financial instability that this is the real reason that they are not prosecuting a big bank. There is precedent for being less than honest about such issues.

When Enron was about to collapse in 2002 as its illegal dealings became public, former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, who was at the time a top Citigroup executive, called a former aide at Treasury. He asked him to intervene with the bond-rating agencies to get them to delay downgrading Enron's debt. Citigroup owned several hundred million dollars in Enron debt at the time. If Rubin had gotten this delay, Citigroup would have been able to dump much of this debt on suckers before the price collapsed.
The Treasury official refused. When the matter became public, Rubin claimed that he was concerned about instability in financial markets.

It is entirely possible that the reluctance to prosecute big banks represents the same sort of fear of financial instability as motivated Rubin. In other words, it is a pretext that the Justice Department is using to justify its failure to prosecute powerful friends on Wall Street. In Washington, this possibility can never be ruled out.

However, there is the possibility that the Justice Department really believes that prosecuting the criminal activities of Bank of America or JP Morgan could sink the economy. If this is true, then it makes the case for breaking up the big banks even more of a slam dunk, since it takes the logic of too big to fail one step further.

Just to remind everyone, the simple argument against too big to fail is that it subsidizes risk-taking by large banks. In principle, when a bank or other company is engaged in a risky line of business, those who are investing in the company or lending it money demand a higher rate of return in recognition of the risk.

However, if they know that government will back up the bank if it gets into
 trouble, then investors have little reason to properly evaluate the risk. This means that more money will flow to the TBTF bank, since it knows it can undertake risky activities without paying the same interest rate as other companies that take on the same amount of risk. The result is that we have given the banks an incentive to engage in risky activity and a big subsidy to their top executives and creditors.

If it turns out that we also give them a get-out-of-jail free card when it comes to criminal activity, then we are giving these banks an incentive to engage in criminal activity. There is a lot of money to be gained by assisting drug dealers and other nefarious types in laundering their money. In principle, the laws are supposed to be structured to discourage banks from engaging in such behavior. But when the attorney general tells us that the laws cannot be fully enforced against the big banks, he is saying that we are giving them incentive to break the law in the pursuit of profit.

Our anti-trust laws are supposed to protect the country against companies whose size allows them inordinate market power. In principle, we would use anti-trust law to break up a phone company because its market dominance allowed it to charge us $10 a month too much on our cable. How could we not use anti-trust policy to break up a bank whose size allows it to profit from dealing with drug dealers and murderers with impunity?
 
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